New Texts Out Now: Khaled Furani, Silencing the Sea: Secular Rhythms in Palestinian Poetry

[Cover of Khaled Furani, \"Silencing the Sea: Secular Rhythms in Palestinian Poetry\"] [Cover of Khaled Furani, \"Silencing the Sea: Secular Rhythms in Palestinian Poetry\"]

New Texts Out Now: Khaled Furani, Silencing the Sea: Secular Rhythms in Palestinian Poetry

By : Khaled Furani

Khaled Furani, Silencing the Sea: Secular Rhythms in Palestinian Poetry. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Khaled Furani (KF): Growing up in thrall to Israeli policies aimed at diluting and obliterating the Palestine that was, I saw in Arabic poetry “what remains,” to quote from Hannah Arendt’s reminiscences of the Germany she once knew (reverberating in Ghassan Kanafani’s novella and Walid Khalidi’s compendium). In the Arab world, poetry has played the kind of role that perhaps blues and jazz have held in black history in the United States: a record of resilience in rhythms. I wanted to write a book that recognizes how rhythm and language furnish ways of facing defeat and devastation, that recounts resilience in and of poetry, to give poetry its due. I want others to know poetry as a home for struggles to survive (and paying a cost for this survival), as a place to imagine, recover, rebuild, belong, and know (as well as delude) oneself through the material that has always been in human words: sounds.  

My disciplinary experience in anthropology also impelled me to write this book. Since I started my graduate training, I have had this lingering sense that anthropological inquiry in the Middle East remains woefully removed from the region’s poetic and literary formations (even though Abu-Lughod’s Writing Women’s Worlds and Caton’s Peaks of Yemen I Summon are by now classic counterexamples). I do not intend to call for diverting attention away from the political nor for granting any autonomy or normative priority to the literary. On the contrary, through this book I seek to depart from Enlightenment assumptions about drawing lines between the aesthetic and the political, the rhetorical, and the ethical, so that a different, non-fragmented re-entry could open up to ethnographic and other inquiries, whether in the Arab world or beyond.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does it address?

KF: This book describes ways in which Arab, mainly Palestinian, poets (writing in literary Arabic) seek to belong and be creative in a secular world. In an important sense, then, this book joins the literature on secularism while departing from its predominant concern with the dramas of nation-states as they draw (or fail to draw) the line between religion and politics. I seek to tell a story about how secularism shapes lives that make distinctions between deep and superficial knowledge, reality and illusion, past and present, slavery and freedom, the creative and the soporific, and, of course, the pious and the aesthetic. This book is also concerned with telling a rare story about Palestine, for rarely does social inquiry listen to the history of a place and its peoples from its poets’ mouths, even though one notable sobriquet for poetry in Arabic is diwan [historical repository].

Poets retain personal and collective memories that linger despite the ruin of time (and occupation). They reveal Palestine as caught in a struggle whereby rhythm and rhyme matter in every way to the politics and ethics one fashions in the world. With what meter do you record a massacre, land confiscation, impoverishment, or expulsion? With what poetic form do you criticize the PNA or the Oslo Accords? The different ways poets raised and grappled with these sorts of questions over the last eight decades is what I follow in this book.

I also grapple with the place of secularism in poets’ pursuits. I learned from my teacher, Talal Asad, to question secularism’s claims to self-sufficiency, as though the life forms it makes possible are all there is or all that is natural and legitimate. Anthropology can be an apt home for nursing skepticism towards certitudes in modern Western reason—for example, the secular announcing its world as real and the religious world it has exiled as illusory or less than real. One irony is that I question secular dismissals of the religious through Plato’s pariahs, namely the poets, whom he thought were the least pious (or most irreligious) and therefore particularly threatening to his republic!

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

KF: I hope this book will be read not just by specialists and experts. The words, lives, and struggles of the poets should appeal to anyone able to hear the rhythms that arrive and vanish in the world. In addition, I draw upon disparate fields and question the very lines of expertise supposedly dividing them as they sequester “truth,” which should preclude claims on it by a single specialization.

As for impact, I wish for this book, or rather its story, to provide impetus for generating other and more developed stories about secularism, Islam, the Arab world, and Palestine, with adequate attention (more adequate than I was able to provide) to the salience of language in them all. For example, I remain unsatisfied about the fact that I only scantily address how the secular constitutes itself by drawing distinctions between academic and poetic languages, between “reason” and “imagination.” Another hope is that further attention will be given to aspects of the secular sensorium; for instance, why meter is not simply an individual choice, but a practice conditioned by time and place.

J: Your book has been described as “an ethnography of contemporary Arabic poetry." How does your disciplinary location as an anthropologist affect the way you write about Palestinian poetry?

KF: I can think of two effects that my location as an anthropologist has had on the writing of this book. First, there were moments when it put me in trouble with poets. As an anthropologist I had neither the tools nor the predilection for appraising literary merit or using it as a criterion for inclusion or exclusion of poets in the study. Since the beginning of my fieldwork, I have not believed in the autonomy or ontological priority of the literary. Yet certain poets found this approach disturbing. It upset them to know that “big poets” and “poet-ies,” as one would say in Arabic, are lumped together in one book. A second effect has to do with the substance of writing. There is very little poetry in the book itself, and in fact little theory as well, in a post-Comtean, positivist sense of the word. My primary material of analysis has been stories poets related to me in conversations. As an anthropologist, I sought to limn their life-worlds from their words.

J: What other projects are you working on now?

KF: While I remain interested in studying relations between “the good” and “the beautiful” (or the political and the aesthetic), my interest in the secular has taken me in new directions. Lately, I have been focusing on the formation of anthropology itself as a modern discipline. While Silencing the Sea investigates some ways in which the secular has formed modern Arabic poetic sensibilities, I am now studying how the secular has constituted a particular swath of reason in the modern West, in this case the anthropological. What specifically interests me is the complex of relations anthropology (as an instance of secular intellect) has acquired with theology since the event that Nietzsche diagnosed in the West as the “death of God.” How is that death related to the birth of modern anthropology, to the scientific curiosity about cultural difference, and to the allure of a disciplinary “method” commonly known as ethnographic immersion? In what ways does anthropology’s secular reason—in which difference is culturally constituted—align the discipline with or separate it from the reason of the modern nation-state? These questions are some of those driving this new project. 

Excerpt from Silencing the Sea: Secular Rhythms in Palestinian Poetry

From Chapter Eight: Rhythmical Freedom

Before Dahbour evacuated during the war, his family had owned a bakery and a house that he was able to return to for the first time in the early 1990s, after the Oslo Accords. When they lost their home in 1948, Dahbour, his siblings, his parents, and his blind grandmother found themselves in a hut in a refugee camp near Hems, Syria; he describes the camp as not fit for human existence. That is where his struggle to survive and to imagine began. And he keeps returning to that place of imagination with tantalizing pangs of pain; for example, he rebukes his father in his book Here, There:

What has my father feared so that his sins committed the act of a swallow if he only were to say: slaughter my child…but did not leave who knows perhaps I would have become Ishmael or his green bird, or…nothing even nothing has a meaning and eminence in its soil.

Deprived of electricity, family gatherings in the evenings focused on story-telling. Words, that is, sounds still came before images. Dahbour’s parents were good storytellers, he recalls. His father, who eked out a living from washing the dead and reciting the Quran at their burials, asked him to read from a fading yellow book when he was in fourth grade. That book contained the Arabian, pre-Islamic epic Al-Zīr Sālim, telling the exploits of the poet-king Abu Leila al-Muhalhil (died AD 531), who abandoned his early life of chasing women to avenge the killing of his brother. When Dahbour read the poems collected in a written version of the oral epic, he immediately fell in love with the “split texts,” as he describes them. One of these split texts is the specimen by al-Khanasā’ in Chapter Five, which he did not then know was an actual poem. But he knows enough today to evoke it as a text in consonance with the academically oriented literary scene. It is as though the word “text” bestows a kind of seriousness, depth, and legitimacy of belonging to the present intellectualism that earlier names cannot. It is also the name used by what may be the largest remaining public for poets: professional literary critics.

Dahbour’s speech may not have been able to escape the presence of specialists, but its beginnings lay in the intimate universe of his mother. His mother, able and resourceful for her family and neighbors, saved him with her stories about a magical, parallel city called Haifa. “Why do you need to see the wonder box [likely derived from the German wunderkammer]?” she asked him when he could not join Syrian kids to see the wonder box on display at town fairs. She promised him that she would bring him instead the sea on a mule from the Mules’ Court in Haifa. She also told him that there was no need for swings for which he could not pay, not even with bread, which substituted for money among penniless kids on the Eid. She reminded him that the Carmel Mountain in Haifa moves when children mount it. When clothes were torn and shoes split open, she asked him not to care about clothes, for in Haifa clothes were impervious to rain. There, she told him, rain fell only on plants and soil, not on humans. Dahbour recovered his mother’s tales and many more as he sought to account for his childhood entry into the kingdom of poetry. Her stories became the soil that nursed his ability to create, his poiesis.

At the start of his sixties when I met him in the winter of 2002, Dahbour was living and working in the ancient city of modern refugees, Gaza, the inferno of Palestinian existence, where military occupation meets military response, almost the only place where occupation is not normalized, as it overwhelmingly has become elsewhere in Palestine, and where the violence of Palestinian against Palestinian was then surpassing that of the occupation. There he resided with his wife and children, one of them a student in the United States. He had returned to Gaza after studying in Baghdad, after living in Tunisia for some time, and after the Oslo Accords, along with many PNA functionaries. He was working as a director in the Ministry of Education and Culture and writing a Friday column titled “Stone in the Air” for the communist daily al-Ittihad, published in Haifa for seven decades. In this way Haifa has stayed with him and he with her. But it was neither in Haifa nor in Gaza where we met. He was barred from entering Israeli territory and I from entering Gaza, because of my Israeli citizenship. An Israeli military ordinance then prohibited citizens of Israel from entering the enclosed West Bank and Gaza; however, prohibition was more whimsical than systematic or constant.

Dahbour and I met in Cairo during the book fair, where the Egyptian Ministry of Culture officially invited him to read during one of the poetry evenings. The Israelis had allowed him to enter Egypt by land and me by air, but I was not fated to return the same way. After carefully inspecting my laptop, Israeli security personnel at the International Cairo Airport deemed it suspicious and dangerous due to a “technical problem that they could not reveal.” They would not allow me on the aircraft with the laptop, so I returned to Haifa by land the following evening with some of the best conversations I had during my ethnographic fieldwork safely stored on the computer. One of them was with Dahbour. Although I missed his reading event, I was able to interview him for nearly four hours in the cafeteria of the Semiramis Hotel, on the bank of the Nile.

For someone with an upset stomach and worries about his wife and children back in Gaza, Dahbour nonetheless engaged me for hours over coffee and tea with stories about his childhood mentor, the poet Maurice Qabaq, and the poetic ability he nurtured in him. Dahbour said that Qabaq was his “guardian angel,” who taught him poetry as well as “the art of life through giving and tolerance.” Qabaq also taught Dahbour that it is “not necessary to be noisy and exhibit oratory because the modern poem is read with the eye.” Qabaq thus initiated him into the secular intellect of modernity that distances itself from the acoustic in searching for truths. The ear, which brings noise, becomes inferior to the eye, which takes you to depth. The deferral that comes with sound loses out to the immediacy of vision. The eye has proven to be of greater service than the ear to reveal a form of eternity (embedded in modernity), which is neither deferred to a future point nor recovered from a certain past, but is believed to be lived.

Dahbour also learned that the modern poem is read as a whole text, not as discrete lines. When image dethrones sound, figurative representation rules. When sonic repetition retreats in the world of poetry, so does memory. Without repetition much is bound to be either misrecognized or altogether forgotten. Because of this modern conception of reading a poem, according to Dahbour, Qabaq once found himself in scandalous trouble with the salafi (past-ist) culture in town when ecclesiastical authorities in the Syrian church misread his poem “Love and Theology.” His lines “The Son, the Holy Spirit, and the Father, three in One Phantom / if we do not praise the Lord¨ marked him as a heretic. The iconoclast Qabaq helped Dahbour do what Hijazi of Egypt did before him: leave romantic and classicist verse for an unhierarchical “modern” and “liberated” poetry:

I am undeniably indebted to tafʿīla, that is, modern poetry, to Maurice Qabaq, who noticed that this child, who may be talented, is afraid of tafʿīla because he was pulled by the turāth [tradition]. He noted that the prose poem is not worth a shilling. He taught me that with tafʿīla poetry you could write it and keep it metered. Tafʿīla was then the revolution in the 1960s, it was the future, tafʿīla was like an earthquake. Today you don’t see that in prose poetry, which is considered the third road. Khalil Khoury and Maurice Qabaq, who are among the best poets of Syria, were deliberately flunked in the university because they wrote tafʿīla. On the radio, it was forbidden to broadcast modern poetry of tafʿīla. Even many modern poets wrote poems about modern poetry….Choosing the modern form is choosing the modernity of life. It was enough for me to know that this form has its rules and that it is difficult and challenging. Beware: tafʿīla is the difficult one, not al-ʿāmūdī. With al-ʿāmūdī once you figure the meters you walk the lane. With tafʿīla you have to know when to put two feet, four feet, or ten feet on the line, when to absent the rhyme and when to reveal it. This challenge, this search for new forms that are not pre-made leads to a heated debate….I discovered that the word`s meaning is not literal. I felt that I live in open air.

Dahbour’s account demonstrates ways in which the politics of the establishment (the nation-state) and the politics of dissent (modern poets) collide in the battle over possessing the literary field. The nation-state as a modern creature feels threatened by the conception of free verse and conspires with tradition to abort its birth. The sovereign state recruits tradition in combating renovation and revolution, without either side ever fully recognizing how entangled with each other they are. They all seem to suffer from the misrecognition wrought by a sense of self-sovereignty, whether belonging to states, their dissenting subjects, or their sense of time.

[Excerpted from Khaled Furani, Silencing the Sea: Secular Rhythms in Palestinian Poetry, pages 137-140, by permission of the author. © 2012 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University. For more information, or to order the book, click here.]

 

New Texts Out Now: Betty S. Anderson, The American University of Beirut: Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education

Betty S. Anderson, The American University of Beirut: Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2011.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Betty S. Anderson (BSA): I always joke that I conceived the project in the pool of the Carlton Hotel in Beirut. In June 2000, I visited Beirut for the first time so I could attend an Arab American University Graduate (AAUG) conference. One day, I walked with some friends all along the Corniche and up through the American University of Beirut (AUB) campus and then back to the hotel. Since it was late June and ridiculously hot, the only option at that point was to jump in the pool as quickly as possible. Two minutes in the pool and the thought occurred to me that my next research project was going to have to be about Beirut in some way. I had fallen in love with the city in just that one day. A half second later, I thought, I should write a history of AUB.

Besides the fact that I wanted to get back to Beirut as soon as possible, I wanted to know why AUB had been so influential in politicizing its students. At the time, I was doing additional research for my book on Jordan (Nationalist Voices in Jordan: The Street and the State) and a number of the political activists I studied had attended AUB. Their memoirs were filled with explanations and stories about how important those four years were for the development of their political identities. However, I had no idea as I floated in the pool that day that I’d have to do extensive research on Protestant missionaries and education long before I could even get to those Arab nationalists. At the time, I really knew relatively little about the school’s history.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does it address?

BSA: When I finally got back to Beirut in 2004, it was research on the educational systems offered at the Syrian Protestant College and AUB that eventually ended up directing my thesis. I was struck initially by the goals the American founders and their successors set for the school. They talked more about the transformative process they wanted the students to undertake than the course options they were offering. For example, Daniel Bliss (1866-1902) preached about producing Protestants who understood not only the liturgy but the lifestyle required of one converting to this faith; Bayard Dodge (1923-1948) exhorted students to follow the model of the modern American man as they sought to develop new characters for themselves. The former presided over a missionary educational system, the latter the new liberal education system then being formulated back in America. The first half of the book discusses this shift as the American University of Beirut was renamed in 1920.

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[Main gate of AUB campus. Photo by Betty S. Anderson.]

Liberal education, as American educators developed it in the second half of the nineteenth century, asks its students to be active participants in their educational experience. Before this point, professors taught their students a fixed body of knowledge; students were required to memorize and recite the data to prove that they had learned it. In liberal education, the system asks that professors teach students how to think and analyze so they can produce data on their own.

The second half of the book examines how the students reacted to this shifting pedagogical focus. The American leaders of the school repeatedly stated their goals for the students, and most books and articles on AUB focus on only those voices. However, that stance leaves out an important element of the AUB story, because only the students can truly determine whether the programs are effective. AUB is famous for the many student protests that have taken place on campus, starting with the Darwin Affair of 1882, leading to the Muslim Controversy of 1909, and then on to the large protests of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. As I discovered when I delved into the archives, students used dozens of newspapers to explain why they were protesting. The catalyst was always a particular event, on campus or off, but the students always framed their arguments around the freedom they felt the liberal education system promised. They fought against any administrative attempts to curtail their actions and frequently accused the administration of not following the guidelines set by American liberal education. This issue became increasingly contentious as students worked to define an Arab nationalism that called on them to be politically active while on campus. The administration continually opposed this position, and many of the student-administrative conflicts centered on the differing definitions of freedom put forward on campus. I put “Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education” in the subtitle of the book because by the twentieth century, these were the two dominant elements defining the relationship between the students and the administration.

J: How does this work connect to and/or depart from your previous research and writing?

BSA: Most of my work has centered on education in one form or another. In my book on Jordan, I wrote of the politicizing role high schools in Jordan and Palestine, as well as schools like AUB, played in mobilizing a national opposition movement in the 1950s. I have published a number of articles analyzing the narratives the Jordanian and Lebanese states present to their students in history and Islamic textbooks. Moving on to a comprehensive study of one particularly influential school was a natural progression. The difference was that I now had to study American education in the same way I had previously examined the influence of education in the Middle East.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

BSA: I hope AUB alumni want to read the book and, equally, that they find something of their story in it. I did not want to cite just the Americans who founded and ran the school; I purposely wanted to write about the students themselves. Typical university histories leave out the words and actions of the students in favor of hagiographies about the founders and their famous successors. I also hope that scholars and students interested in studies of education and nationalism will be interested. This is a book that addresses both Middle Eastern and American studies.

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[Assembly Hall and College Hall, AUB Campus. Photos by Betty S. Anderson.]

J: What other projects are you working on now?

BSA:
I have a contract with Stanford University Press to publish a book called State and Society in the Modern Middle East. Like with anyone who undertakes to write a textbook, I am frustrated with those that are currently available. Textbooks of the modern Middle East typically focus just on state formation, the actions of the chief politicians, and the political interplay between states. My text focuses instead on the relationship between state and society as it developed over the last two hundred years. The states in the region centralized in the nineteenth century, faced colonialism in the early twentieth century, and then independence after World War II; these stages created new roles for state leaders. Civil society, in the broadest definition of the term, emerged from the eighteenth century forward as people sought new ways to organize within and against the states now intruding on their lives. They took advantage of the new institutions the states built to establish for themselves new class, national, and gender definitions, while frequently opposing the states that had introduced these very institutions. My text examines how schools, government offices, newspapers, political parties, and women’s groups constantly negotiated new relationships with their respective states.

Excerpt from The American University of Beirut: Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education

From Chapter One:

"The great value of education does not consist in the accepting this and that to be true but it consists in proving this and that to be true," declared Daniel Bliss, founder of Syrian Protestant College (SPC; 1866–1920) and its president from 1866 to 1902, in his farewell address. President Howard Bliss (president, 1902–1920) said in his baccalaureate sermon in 1911, "In a word, the purpose of the College is not to produce singly or chiefly men who are doctors, men who are pharmacists, men who are merchants, men who are preachers, teachers, lawyers, editors, statesmen; but it is the purpose of the College to produce doctors who are men, pharmacists who are men, merchants who are men, preachers, teachers, lawyers, editors, statesmen who are men." Bayard Dodge (1923–1948) stated at his inauguration as president of the newly renamed American University of Beirut (AUB; 1920– ), "We do not attempt to force a student to absorb a definite quantity of knowledge, but we strive to teach him how to study. We do not pretend to give a complete course of instruction in four or five years, but rather to encourage the habit of study, as a foundation for an education as long as life itself." The successors to these men picked up the same themes when they elaborated on the school`s goals over the years; most recently, in May 2009, President Peter Dorman discussed his vision of AUB’s role. "AUB thrives today in much different form than our missionary founders would have envisioned, but nonetheless—after all this time—it remains dedicated to the same ideal of producing enlightened and visionary leaders."

In dozens of publications, SPC and AUB students have also asserted a vision of the transformative role the school should have on their lives. The longest surviving Arab society on campus, al-`Urwa al-Wuthqa, published a magazine of the same name during most academic years between 1923 and 1954 and as of 1936 stated as its editorial policy the belief that "the magazine`s writing is synonymous with the Arab student struggle in the university." From that point forward, the editors frequently listed the society`s Arab nationalist goals. In the fall 1950 edition, for example, al-`Urwa al-Wuthqa`s Committee on Broadcasting and Publications issued a statement identifying the achievement of Arab unity as the most important goal because "it is impossible to separate the history, literature and scientific inheritance of the Arabs" since "the Arab essence is unity." Toward this end, al-`Urwa al-Wuthqa pledged to accelerate the "growth of the true nationalist spirit" among the students affiliated with the organization. In describing education as an activist pursuit, the statement declares, "To achieve political ideas which are aimed at our nationalism it is necessary for we as students to seek information by many different means." In this call, the AUB Arab students must take on the task of studying the Arab heritage as thoroughly and frankly as possible so that when they graduate they can move into society with solutions to the many problems plaguing the Arab world.

Since the school`s founding in 1866, its campus has stood at a vital intersection between a rapidly changing American missionary and educational project to the Middle East and a dynamic quest for Arab national identity and empowerment. As the presidential quotes indicate, the Syrian Protestant College and the American University of Beirut imported American educational systems championing character building as their foremost goal. Proponents of these programs hewed to the belief that American educational systems were the perfect tools for encouraging students to reform themselves and improve their societies; the programs do not merely supply professional skills but educate the whole person. As the quotes from al-`Urwa al-Wuthqa attest, Arab society pressured the students to change as well. The Arab nahda, or awakening, of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries called on students to take pride in their Arab past and to work to recreate themselves as modern leaders of their society; the Arab nationalist movement of the twentieth century asked that students take a lead in fighting for Arab independence from foreign control. The students streaming through the Main Gate year after year used both of these American and Arab elements to help make the school not only an American institution but also one of the Arab world and of Beirut, as the very name, the American University of Beirut, indicates. This process saw long periods of accommodation between the American-led administration and the Arab students, but just as many eras when conflict raged over the nature of authority each should wield on campus; the changing relationship between the administration and the students serves as the cornerstone of this book, for it is here where much of the educational history of SPC and AUB has been written.

From Chapter Five:

The 1952 April Fool’s Day issue of Outlook (called Lookout on that day) satirized the proliferation of student protests that had dominated campus life for the previous few years. In the paper’s lead article, the author declared, “A School of Revolutionary Government, designed to equip AUB students with a wide knowledge of modern techniques of conspiracy and revolution, is to be opened during the fall semester, a communique from the President’s Office announced late Friday.” Continuing the same theme, the article reports, “All courses will include a minimum of three lab hours to be spent in street battles with gendarmes and similar applications of theories learned in classrooms.” President Stephen Penrose (1948-1954), the article stated, gave a Friday morning chapel talk on the new school motto: “That they may have strife and have it more abundantly.” In a further announcement, the paper described the day’s protest.

There will be a demonstration this afternoon at three in front of the Medical Gate to object against everything[.] All those interested please report there promptly five [minutes] before time. The demonstration promises to be very exciting—tear gas will be used, and the slogans are simply delightful. If all goes well, police interference is expected. If not to join, come and watch.

This, of course, had not been the first era of student protest; the difference by the 1950s was the widespread and sustained nature of the conflict between the administration and the students. When Lookout published its satirical articles in 1952, students had been organizing demonstrations in support of Palestinians and Moroccans, and against any and all things imperialist, since 1947; these events only petered out in 1955 as the administration banned the two main groups organizing them, the Student Council and the Arab society, al-cUrwa al-Wuthqa. Students engaged in these exercises explicitly as Arabs, proud of their past, and striving toward cultural, political and economic unity in the future. In their actions, students sought to integrate their educational experiences at AUB with the real-life events taking place outside the Main Gate, for only then did they feel they could be trained to function as the vanguard initiating the necessary changes in their society.

[Excerpted from Betty S. Anderson, The American University of Beirut: Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education. © 2011 by The University of Texas Press. Excerpted by permission of the author. For more information, or to order the book, click here.]