Press Release from Love in the Time of Apartheid Campaign on Extension of Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law

[Love in the Time of Apartheid campaign.] [Love in the Time of Apartheid campaign.]

Press Release from Love in the Time of Apartheid Campaign on Extension of Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following press release was published by the Love in the Time of Apartheid campaign on 23 April 2013.]

The Israeli apartheid regime, which calls itself a “democracy”, has extended the racist Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary Order) for the thirteenth time in 11 years, disregarding the suffering of tens of thousands of Palestinian families

On 14 April 2013 the occupation and apartheid government of the State of Israel extended the racist Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary Order) for the eleventh year in a row.

Today, Monday 22 April 2013, the Israeli parliament ratified the extension of the law for the thirteenth time since 2003. The law disregards the suffering of tens of thousands of Palestinian families, who are denied their most basic rights, such as the right to lead a dignified family life under one roof. It also marks the Israeli apartheid and occupation regime’s complete disregard for United Nations resolutions. Several UN bodies condemned the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary Order) for violating international law, in particular the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR),[1] the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC),[2] and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) [3]. The UN Human Rights Committee, for example, explicitly called in 2003 and in 2010 for revoking this law [4]. The UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) also called several times for revoking this racist law [5]. (Details of the law’s infringement of the precepts of international law and various statements of condemnation by international bodies are in the legal annex).

The racist and arbitrary Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary Order) prevents Palestinian families from leading a dignified family life and enjoying their social, civil, and other rights. The law was approved by the Israeli government in 2002 as a Temporary Suspension Order, and was then approved by the Israeli Knesset; it was amended several times, while several appeals presented by several legal and human rights organizations to the Israeli Supreme Court were rejected. Most recently, on 11 January 2012, the Israeli Supreme Court reemphasized (Resolution 466/07) the “constitutionality” of this law, which was described as “racist” by international law experts from several countries around the world.

The “Love in the Time of Apartheid” campaign is an inseparable part of the Palestinian people’s struggle against Israeli occupation and apartheid, which violates our human dignity on a daily basis. Therefore, we call upon the Palestinian people to oppose this racist law by all possible means, the most important of which is the deepening of the social, national, familial, and cultural bonds between all of our people wherever they may be, irrespective of our place of residence and the type of documentation that we are forced to carry. The campaign also calls upon Palestinian civil society institutions to mobilize, each with its own resources, in opposition to this law on the popular and international levels.

In order for Palestinian love not to remain a hostage to Israeli occupation and apartheid, the campaign calls upon international human rights and civil society organizations as well as all people of conscience all over the world to work to hold Israel accountable and to isolate it in all regional and international forums until this racist law is repealed, and in addition, until Israel complies with International Law and relevant United Nations resolutions.

We also appreciate the response of writers and journalists, locally and internationally, who will join us during the coming week in stirring public opinion both locally and internationally with regards to this law, and in exposing the policies of the government and parliament of the Israeli apartheid state. We salute the most recent mobilization of several political forces, civil society institutions, and activists in this respect. We see this diverse collective local and international effort as an important step towards uniting our voices in isolating Israel internationally until it repeals the racist Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary Order). 

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[1] International Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (adopted 16 December 1966 UNGA Res2200(XXI) (ICESCR) art 10(1).

[2] Convention on the Rights of the Child (adopted 20 November 1989, entered into force 2 September 1990) 1577 UNTS 3 (CRC) art 10(1). OHCHR paper notes that Committee on Rights of Child’s recommendations point to an interpretation of this provision towards family reunification.

[3] Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (adopted 18 December 1979, entered into force 3 September 1981) 1249 UNTS 13 (CEDAW) art 15(4)).

[4] Human Rights Committee ‘Concluding Observations of the Human Rights Committee (21 August 2003) UNDoc CCPR/CO/78/ISR, paras.21, 22. 

[5] Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination ‘Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination’ (March 2007) UN Doc CERD/ISR/CO/13, para. 20.     

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412