Trials and Tribulations of Turkish News Media

[Protetors in front of Dogus Media. Image by Gazeteport] [Protetors in front of Dogus Media. Image by Gazeteport]

Trials and Tribulations of Turkish News Media

By : Bilge Yesil

On 3 June, while mass protests against the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government were raging in several cities around Turkey, something equally important happened in Istanbul. Close to three thousand people gathered in front of the offices of Dogus Media Group, one of the five largest media conglomerates in Turkey. Waving paper money in their hands and holding up posters with the image of the three wise monkeys, they chanted “sell-out media.” In an ironic twist, NTV, Dogus Media’s flagship news channel, went live and began broadcasting the very demonstration taking place at its doorstep. “They are protesting the attitude of the media. They are protesting us,” the NTV presenter said.

Though the immediate target of the protest was NTV and Dogus Media Group for their scant coverage of the massive anti-government demonstrations, the discontent was with Turkish news media in general. Mainstream news channels (e.g., NTV, CNNTurk, HaberTurk) had turned a blind eye to the protestors and the police violence aimed at them. As thousands were attacked by tear gas and water cannons in Istanbul’s Taksim Square, NTV had chosen to continue with its regular programming: the weather forecast and sports coverage. While thousands of people were flocking from various neighborhoods to Taksim Square to support the protestors, either by crossing the Bosphorus Bridge or walking along the highway, CNNTurk was broadcasting a documentary on penguins. As protests and clashes intensified, the prime minister went on HaberTurk for a live interview in which Fatih Altayli, one of the top news producers at the channel, acted more like a facilitator of government propaganda than as a journalist.

The blackout on news channels as well as on other television outlets is outrageous, but not surprising. Turkish media is marked by high levels of clientelism, especially since the early 1990s when rapid and unabashed liberalization transmuted ownership from media professionals to capitalist entrepreneurs. Today, five large conglomerates, with business interests in non-media related fields, own most of Turkish media. Dogan Group (owner of CNNTurk) has companies in the financial, trade, and tourism sectors, while Dogus Group (owner of NTV), Ciner Holding  (owner of HaberTurk), Calik Holding, and Cukurova Group all have commercial interests in the textile, energy, construction, finance, telecommunications, mining, automobile, and tourism sectors. As a matter of fact, none of these conglomerates started out as media companies. Instead, they purchased media outlets after they established themselves in other sectors, and acquired enough capital to enter the media sector. In turn, they used media as a “bargaining tool” with the government for contracts, subsidies, and privatization deals. Their dependence on government licenses to conduct business in these sectors makes them extremely vulnerable to financial pressures, and aggravates the problems of self-censorship and instrumentalization of reporting—as illustrated this week.

Though clientelism is not limited to the AKP government and its cronies, and had plagued their predecessors since the early 1990s, it has obviously intensified under AKP rule. Take for example the conflict between the AKP government and Dogan Media Group. In 2009, the Ministry of Finance levied a total of four billion USD in tax charges against Dogan Media, which nearly equaled the total value of the company’s assets. The AKP maintained that the charges were related to tax irregularities, and that it had no other motive. However, because Dogan’s editors had criticized the AKP government, many considered this tax fine as a way to silence criticism. Dogan Media buckled under pressure and fired some of its most critical voices from its mainstream newspapers to appease the AKP, and save itself in the face of the enormous tax fines.

The AKP government not only silenced its critics but also created its own partisan media. In 2007, it seized control of ATV-Sabah, a joint television-newspaper ownership, citing corruption charges, and then facilitated its sale to the AKP–friendly Calik Holding. That the prime minister’s son-in-law is Calik Holding’s CEO, and the sale was financed by two state-owned Turkish banks, confirmed the claims that the AKP was developing its own loyal media. 

The problems of clientelism, self-censorship, and instrumentalization of reporting are not unique to Turkey. However, their effects are amplified because of the restrictive legal framework, as evinced in the wiretapping, prosecution, and imprisonment of journalists, the criminalization of Kurdish news outlets, the imposition of penalties on television channels by the Radio and Television Supreme Board (RTUK), the strict regulation of film and music production by the Ministry of Culture, and the censorship of online communications through website blockings and content filtering.

Though Turkish media has been plagued by legal barriers and commercial pressures for decades, under AKP rule, the relationship between media and the state has worsened. Over the last couple of years, dozens of journalists have been stamped as “terrorists” or “extremists” under a wide array of “crimes” that range from Kurdish propaganda to attempting to overthrow the government. At the same time, others have lost their jobs because of the political and economic alliances between media owners and the government. Self-censorship has become normalized, critical voices have been silenced, and media culture has been narrowed.

In this environment, the scant coverage of recent events is not surprising given the fear of government reprisal. But its effects have been detrimental. Given the lack of credible news, many Turks, at least those with Internet connection, turned to social media to keep themselves informed. Facebook and Twitter have served not only as the main channels of communication among the protestors, but also as the key source of news. Not surprisingly, Prime Minister Erdogan labeled Twitter as a “menace” to society, and in a matter of a few days, Turkish police began to detain Twitter users on charges of “inciting the public to violence and revolt.” The number of those detained on such charges has now reached fifty people. 

This past week, the discontent with mainstream news media has been so high that Birsen Altayli, a Turkish reporter for Reuters, instantly became a hero after posing a challenging question to Prime Minister Erdogan. In the meantime, under continued pressure from the public, Dogus Media Group CEO Cem Aydin apologized to NTV employees for betraying their audience and promised to win back their trust. We shall wait and see.

American Elections Watch 1: Rick Santorum and The Dangers of Theocracy

One day after returning to the United States after a trip to Lebanon, I watched the latest Republican Presidential Primary Debate. Unsurprisingly, Iran loomed large in questions related to foreign policy. One by one (with the exception of Ron Paul) the candidates repeated President Obama`s demand that Iran not block access to the Strait of Hormuz and allow the shipping of oil across this strategic waterway. Watching them, I was reminded of Israel`s demand that Lebanon not exploit its own water resources in 2001-2002. Israel`s position was basically that Lebanon`s sovereign decisions over the management of Lebanese water resources was a cause for war. In an area where water is increasingly the most valuable resource, Israel could not risk the possibility that its water rich neighbor might disrupt Israel`s ability to access Lebanese water resources through acts of occupation, underground piping, or unmitigated (because the Lebanese government has been negligent in exploiting its own water resources) river flow. In 2012, the United States has adopted a similar attitude towards Iran, even though the legal question of sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz is much more complicated and involves international maritime law in addition to Omani and Iranian claims of sovereignty. But still, US posturing towards Iran is reminiscent of Israeli posturing towards Lebanon. It goes something like this: while the US retains the right to impose sanctions on Iran and continuously threaten war over its alleged pursuit of a nuclear weapon, Iran should not dare to assume that it can demand the removal of US warships from its shores and, more importantly, should not dream of retaliating in any way to punitive sanctions imposed on it. One can almost hear Team America`s animated crew breaking into song . . . “America . . . Fuck Yeah!”

During the debate in New Hampshire, Rick Santorum offered a concise answer as to why a nuclear Iran would not be tolerated and why the United States-the only state in the world that has actually used nuclear weapons, as it did when it dropped them on the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki- should go to war over this issue. Comparing Iran to other nuclear countries that the United States has learned to “tolerate” and “live with” such as Pakistan and North Korea, Santorum offered this succinct nugget of wisdom: Iran is a theocracy. Coming from a man who has stated that Intelligent Design should be taught in schools, that President Obama is a secular fanatic, that the United States is witnessing a war on religion, and that God designed men and women in order to reproduce and thus marriage should be only procreative (and thus heterosexual and “fertile”), Santorum`s conflation of “theocracy” with “irrationality” seemed odd. But of course, that is not what he was saying. When Santorum said that Iran was a theocracy what he meant is that Iran is an Islamic theocracy, and thus its leaders are irrational, violent, and apparently (In Santorum`s eyes) martyrdom junkies. Because Iran is an Islamic theocracy, it cannot be “trusted” by the United States to have nuclear weapons. Apparently, settler colonial states such as Israel (whose claim to “liberal “secularism” is tenuous at best), totalitarian states such as North Korea, or unstable states such as Pakistan (which the United States regularly bombs via drones and that is currently falling apart because, as Santorum stated, it does not know how to behave without a “strong” America) do not cause the same radioactive anxiety. In Santorum`s opinion, a nuclear Iran would not view the cold war logic of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) as a deterrent. Instead, the nation of Iran would rush to die under American or Israeli nuclear bombs because martyrdom is a religious (not national, Santorum was quick to state, perhaps realizing that martyrdom for nation is an ideal woven into the tapestry of American ideology) imperative. Santorum`s views on Iran can be seen one hour and two minutes into the debate.

When it comes to Islam, religion is scary, violent and irrational, says the American Presidential candidate who is largely running on his “faith based” convictions. This contradiction is not surprising, given that in the United States fundamentalist Christians regularly and without irony cite the danger that American muslims pose-fifth column style- to American secularism. After all, recently Christian fundamentalist groups succeeded in pressuring advertisers to abandon a reality show that (tediously) chronicled the lives of “American Muslims” living in Detroit. The great sin committed by these American Muslims was that they were too damn normal. Instead of plotting to inject sharia law into the United States Constitution, they were busy shopping at mid-western malls. Instead of marrying four women at a time and vacationing at Al-Qaeda training camps in (nuclear, but not troublingly so) Pakistan, these “American Muslims” were eating (halal) hotdogs and worrying about the mortgages on their homes and the rising costs of college tuition. Fundamentalist Christians watched this boring consumer driven normalcy with horror and deduced that it must be a plot to make Islam appear compatible with American secularism. The real aim of the show, these Christian fundamentalists (who Rick Santorum banks on for political and financial support) reasoned, was to make Islam appear “normal” and a viable religious option for American citizens. Thus the reality show “All American Muslim” was revealed to be a sinister attempt at Islamic proselytizing. This in a country where Christian proselytizing is almost unavoidable. From television to subways to doorbell rings to presidential debates to busses to street corners and dinner tables-there is always someone in America who wants to share the “good news” with a stranger. Faced with such a blatant, and common, double standard, we should continue to ask “If Muslim proselytizers threaten our secular paradise, why do Christian proselytizers not threaten our secular paradise?”

As the United States Presidential Elections kick into gear, we can expect the Middle East to take pride of place in questions pertaining to foreign policy. Already, Newt Gingrich who, if you forgot, has a PhD in history, has decided for all of us, once and for all, that the Palestinians alone in this world of nations are an invented people. Palestinians are not only a fraudulent people, Gingrich has taught us, they are terrorists as well. Candidates stumble over each other in a race to come up with more creative ways to pledge America`s undying support for Israel. Iran is the big baddie with much too much facial hair and weird hats. America is held hostage to Muslim and Arab oil, and must become “energy efficient” in order to free itself from the unsavory political relationships that come with such dependancy. Candidates will continue to argue over whether or not President Obama should have or should not have withdrawn US troops from Iraq, but no one will bring up the reality that the US occupation of Iraq is anything but over. But despite the interest that the Middle East will invite in the coming election cycle, there are a few questions that we can confidently assume will not be asked or addressed. Here are a few predictions. We welcome additional questions from readers.

Question: What is the difference between Christian Fundamentalism and Muslim Fundamentalism? Which is the greater “threat” to American secularism, and why?

Question: The United States` strongest Arab ally is Saudi Arabia, an Islamic theocracy and authoritarian monarchy which (falsely) cites Islamic law to prohibit women from driving cars, voting, but has recently (yay!) allowed women to sell underwear to other women. In addition, Saudi Arabia has been fanning the flames of sectarianism across the region, is the main center of financial and moral support for Al-Qaeda and is studying ways to “obtain” (the Saudi way, just buy it) a nuclear weapon-all as part and parcel of a not so cold war with Iran. Given these facts, how do you respond to critics that doubt the United States` stated goals of promoting democracy, human rights, women`s rights, and “moderate” (whatever that is) Islam?

Question: Israel has nuclear weapons and has threatened to use them in the past. True or false?

Question: How are Rick Santorum`s views on homosexuality (or the Christian right`s views more generally) different than President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad`s or King Abdullah`s? Can you help us tease out the differences when all three have said that as long as homosexuals do not engage in homosexual sex, it`s all good?

Question: Is the special relationship between the United States and Israel more special because they are both settler colonies, or is something else going on?