Solidarity with Nusaybin Mayor Ayse Gokkan

[Construction of the wall at the Nusaybin border. Image via Wikimedia Commons.] [Construction of the wall at the Nusaybin border. Image via Wikimedia Commons.]

Solidarity with Nusaybin Mayor Ayse Gokkan

By : Jadaliyya Reports

Solidarity with Nusaybin Mayor Ayşe Gökkan

As the social scientists who conduct research on the borders of Turkey:

We know that states ban access to borders and consider people who live in these areas as potential threats or enemies in the name of sovereignty and national security.

We observe that you consider state violence legitimate. You use foreign threats as an excuse to deploy state violence in its most brutal form on the borders to oppress your own citizens.

Yet, through our own experiences, we also learn that borders have always changed and continue to change. We learn that borders have emerged as negotiations between states. 

Our call is to Turkey.

Unfortunately, Turkey continues its eugenic approach, reduces borders to a security issue, and insists on identifying border people as enemies or foreign spies, even though outside its borders, countries, geographies, state regimes, economies, and homelands have changed. The wall that has been erected in Nusaybin is a recent example of Turkey’s approach.    

In 1952, wires were erected and landmines were planted on the Nusaybin border. The landmines were a part and an indicator of the Turkish state’s ardent participation in the US’s Green Belt Project (the containment policy towards the Soviet Union).

In 1970, the number of planted landmines increased as the Turkish state’s role and share in the smuggling increased. In 1980, the entire border area was declared as disloyal and dangerous. Hundreds of landmines were also planted. The state’s role and share in the smuggling further increased as well. Before the failure of Turkey’s “zero problem with neighbors” foreign policy, while the Turkish government lifted visas with Syria and started legislating to sweep landmines on the border, there were 615,000 land mines planted on the Turkey-Syria border.  

Not only on the Turkish-Syrian border, but also on other borders of Turkey, we have observed similar situations. We have shown and shared these findings in our academic publications, as well as in other areas of public responsibility. However, we observe how the state manipulates its borders to render border areas as ambiguous and dangerous, while oppressing the Kurdish population on the Syrian border for years.   

Today, the Nusaybin, Turkey-Qamishlo, Syria border is facing a new entity. Rojava, Syria’s Kurdistan, is emerging as a new neighbor to Turkey. And Turkey is reacting to this new neighbor by erecting WALLS on the border. As it did in 1952 and 1980, Turkey still tries to cut the links between the Kurds on both sides of the border and declares its citizens as traitors. However, Turkey also loosens the borders for the groups that it sponsors in Syria. 

The mayor of Nusaybin, Ayşe Gökkan, started her hunger strike over the wall erected on the border between Nusaybin and Qamishlo. Neither Ayşe Gökkan’s protests in the land-mined border area, nor the popular support for the mayor’s protests, have been reported by the mainstream media. To make authorities answer her questions about the wall on the border, a mayor had to endanger her life. The authorities remain deaf, blind, and unresponsive behind the WALL that they are erecting.  

As scholars of border studies, we have witnessed the suffering that borders create. We know how states make people of border geographies subject to landmines, smuggling, military checkpoints, blackouts, and humiliation. We observe that through its borders, states sow seeds of discord among the peoples that have coexisted historically, as well as erecting walls in people’s minds. We have also witnessed how people’s lives depend on an arbitrary decision of states or on military operation accidents on the borders. 

Ayşe Gökkan’s hunger strike is an objection to disregarding people’s lives. Her protest is the materialization of the struggle of the people who live on the borders, the Kurds, to determine how they wish to live.

Erecting walls between peoples on borders also means restricting the horizons of these peoples. Having authorities promise to stop erecting the wall, Ayşe Gökkan ended her hunger strike. We will monitor whether this promise is followed. We will not remain silent against new attempts to erect walls. We stand with Nusaybin Mayor Ayşe Gökkan’s protests. We support people who live on borders for their rights to determine how they wish to live.

H. Neşe Özgen
Latife Akyüz
Fırat Bozçalı
Hatice Pınar Şenoğuz
Şule Can
Emrah Yıldız
Seçil Dağtaş
Arzu Yılmaz
Ramazan Aras
Mihrican Zorlu

[Translated from the Turkish by Firat Bozçali. Since the drafting of the letter, due to protests organized on both sides of the border, the construction of the border wall has come to a halt, and Ayşe Gökkan has ended her hunger strike-turned-death-fast.]

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412