Ghaniyeh bil miyah (Riche en eau): Un film sur la réforme de l’eau au Liban

[Capture d`écran du film \"Ghaniyeh bil miyah\".] [Capture d`écran du film \"Ghaniyeh bil miyah\".]

Ghaniyeh bil miyah (Riche en eau): Un film sur la réforme de l’eau au Liban

By : Jadaliyya Reports

Christèle Allès et Joëlle Puig viennent de diffuser en ligne leur film Ghaniyeh bil miyah. Réformer la gestion de l’eau dans le Akkar? (34 mn, français, arabe libanais sous-titré en français). Tourné entre 2008 et 2012 et monté avec l’aide de Michel Tabet en 2012, ce film a été produit par l’Institut Français du Proche-Orient dans le cadre du programme "Tanmia. Le développement. Fabrique de l’action publique dans le monde arabe?", financé par l’Agence nationale de la recherche (France). Tanmia s`inscrit au croisements de deux pistes de recherche: la mise en question du développement comme cadre d`action et de référence et d`action disputé, et l`analyse des transformations de l`action publique.

Résumé:

Depuis le début des années 2000, les politiques publiques de gestion de l’eau au Liban ont connu d’importantes transformations. Une réorganisation institutionnelle du secteur a conduit à la création d’établissement régionaux de gestion de l’eau, destinés à remplacés les structures locales (départementales et municipales) qui opéraient jusque-là. Cette centralisation ne va pas sans provoquer des tensions à l’échelle locale, certaines municipalités ou comités locaux ayant refusé d’abandonner la distribution de l’eau potable aux nouveaux établissements. Ce documentaire s’intéresse à une des régions les plus pauvres du Liban, où les investissements publics concernant le secteur de l’eau potable étaient jusqu’à une période récente restés très parcellaires et où les acteurs locaux avaient par conséquents largement pris le relais. Nous avons voulu observer à la fois comment la réforme est mise en oeuvre sur un terrain local, à travers quels outils et quels procédés et comment les communautés locales, qui avaient jusque-là fait sans ou avec peu d’Etat, négocient ces transformations.

 


Ressources complémentaires:
Plusieurs travaux récents permettent de replacer ce film en contexte, notamment par rapport aux formes prises par la réforme de la gestion de l’eau ailleurs au Liban et dans le monde arabe :

Christèle Allès, Joëlle Brochier-Puig, "Entre centralisation et appropriation locale", Etudes rurales 192, n°2, (2014), 97-115.

Christèle Allès, “The Private Sector and Local Elites: The Experience of Public–Private Partnership in the Water Sector in Tripoli, Lebanon", Mediterranean Politics 17, n°3 (2012), 394-409.

Christèle Allès, "La réforme du secteur de l’eau au Liban-Sud face à l’urgence de la reconstruction après la guerre de juillet 2006", Géocarrefour 85, n°2 (2010), 141-151.

Stéphane Ghiotti, Roland Riachi, "La gestion de l’eau au Liban: une réforme confisquée ?", Etudes rurales 192, n°2 (2014), 135-152.

Eric Verdeil, "L’eau et les réformes des services urbains dans le monde arabe: au-delà de la question de la privatisation", in Colloque L’eau et la ville, du Maghreb au Moyen-Orient (Paris: GREMAMO-SEDET, octobre 2010).

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412