Counter-Proposal from Yemen's Revolutionary Youth

[Protesters in Yemen. Image from unknown archive.] [Protesters in Yemen. Image from unknown archive.]

Counter-Proposal from Yemen's Revolutionary Youth

By : Sheila Carapico

While the Gulf Cooperation Council , the United States, the European Union, and the Yemeni president quibbled over who would sign a vague transfer-of-power concord President Ali Abdallah Salih nixed, the youth coalition of pro-democracy demonstrators have put together thirteen specific points for the coming transition (and had them translated into clear English).  Their proposals are certainly not inspired by al-Qa’ida or the Muslim Brotherhood, as the discredited Salih regime asserts, nor any other outside agencies.   Neither, however, are they the impractical aspirations of immature idealists.

Rather, the points in the petition address specific issues in Yemeni politics and concrete steps to alleviate the worst problems.  It is clear that the drafters of these resolutions have consulted with their elders in the Joint Meeting Parties and the National Dialogue as well as  constitutional documents from earlier Yemeni pro-reform movements including the 1994 Document of Pledge and Accord that garnered wide support among different social forces.  The points in the document below are appropriate, well-considered, and widely supported. They should not be dismissed as impractical to implement or extra-constitutional.

The drafters of this plea show faith in the prospects for a group of nationally known, respected, mostly elder civilian political figures to lead the transition from the Salih dictatorship to an elected government.   They emphasize the youth’s concern for peace and social justice.  Clearly this document was released now in hopes of forging a path way from the current trajectory towards civil war.
   
The Demands of the Youth are:

1) Remove the current regime peacefully and remove all its figures and all members of the President`s family and his relatives from all leadership posts in the military and civil institutions.

2) Forming a Transitional Pre...sidential Council that constitutes of 5 civil members that are widely known for their competency, integrity and experience. These members have to be approved by the revolution youth leaders and the national powers. Individuals that represent the previous regime should be excluded from the selection. The Transitional Presidential Board will have the responsibility to issue all decision and decrees that will ensure attaining the demands of the revolution. After serving in the Transitional Presidential Board, members will not have the right to run for President or Prime Minister posts until one electoral cycle is completed.

3) After overthrowing the regime the Board has to declare a six month transitional period. This period starts with a constitutional decree announcing the termination of the current constitution and dissolving the Parliament, the Shura Council and the Local Councils.

4) The Transitional Presidential Board will appoint a widely accepted national figure who will form a Transitional Cabinet of qualified technocrats within one month.

5) A Transitional National Board to be formed and include representatives of the youth and all political and national powers. The Transitional National Board will provide: a) A solution for the Southern issue that yields a fair and satisfactory response b) A solution for the Sa`ada Case issue that resolves the preceding effects. c) Monitoring the performance of the Transitional Presidential Board and the Transitional Cabinet. d) Forming a new Supreme Council for Elections which will be responsible for correcting the voter records and preparing for free and fair elections during the transitional period. e) Selecting a Drafting Committee of reliable legal advisors to propose a new constitution for a civil, democratic and modern state that has: a republican parliamentary system based on proportional list-based electoral system, and a system of social justice and equal citizenship. The new constitution has to be completed within three months from its initiation, and the then put for national referendum.

6) Restructuring the higher judicial council to ensure the full separation and impartiality of the judicial authority.

7) Dissolving the Ministry of Information and forming an independent higher authority that will ensure freedom of expression and diversification of media and communication outlets.

8) Dissolving the Ministry of Human Rights and creating an independent higher council for human rights.

9) Legally pursue and prosecute the corrupt officials and retrieve public property and money. 10) Immediate release of all political detainees and the missing persons and dissolving extraordinary courts and private prisons.

11) Legal persecution of all individuals that caused, assisted and incited the killing and injury of those who participated in the peaceful demonstrations. Deliver appropriate compensations to the families of the deceased and honor them duly.

12) Dissolving the Political Security Forces and National Security Forces, and forming a new dedicated national security agency under the umbrella of the Ministry of Interior. The new national security agency will be responsible for observing Yemen’s external threats.

13) Merging the Republican Guards with the Military Forces, and dissolving the National Defense Council to ensure full impartiality of the Army and Security Forces.

  • ALSO BY THIS AUTHOR

    • Sheila Carapico, ed., Arabia Incognita: Dispatches from Yemen and the Gulf (New Texts Out Now)

      Sheila Carapico, ed., Arabia Incognita: Dispatches from Yemen and the Gulf (New Texts Out Now)
      Sheila Carapico, editor,  Arabia Incognita: Dispatches from Yemen and the Gulf. Charlottesville: Just World Books, 2015.  Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book? Sheila Carapico (SC): This bo
    • الوضع الحالي وتطورات الحرب في اليمن

      الوضع الحالي وتطورات الحرب في اليمن
      حوار مع شيلا كارابيكوصُوِّر التدخل العسكري السعودي في اليمن كحملة قصيرة ودقيقة، ستنجز بسرعة هدف إعادة تنصيب حكومة عبد ربه منصور هادي في السلطة. لكن الحملة لا تبدو في ضوء ما يجري اليوم قريبة من تحقيق
    • Quick Thoughts: Sheila Carapico on The Current State and Future Prospects of War in Yemen

      Quick Thoughts: Sheila Carapico on The Current State and Future Prospects of War in Yemen

      The Saudi-led military intervention in Yemen was conceived as a short, sharp campaign that would quickly achieve the objective of restoring the government of Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi to power. Yet it is today no closer to realizing its aims than when it began in March 2015. In the meantime much of Yemen and its infrastructure has been reduced to rubble while, the country is experiencing a severe humanitarian crisis, al-Qa`ida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and the Islamic State (IS) movement are exploiting the resultant political vacuum to expand their base and conduct increasingly brazen attacks, and the continued existence of Yemen itself is increasingly in doubt.

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412