Abdullah Al-Tariki: A Profile from the Archives

[From the Saudi newspaper: Al-Yaum] [From the Saudi newspaper: Al-Yaum]

Abdullah Al-Tariki: A Profile from the Archives

By : A Profile from the Archives ملف من الأرشيف

”A Profile from the Archives“  is a series published by Jadaliyya in both Arabic and English in cooperation with the Lebanese newspaper, Assafir. These profiles will feature iconic figures who left indelible marks in the politics and culture of the Middle East and North Africa. This profile was originally published in Arabic and was translated by Mazen Hakeem.]

Name: Abdullah

Last Name: Al-Tariki

Father’s Name: Hammoud

Mother’s Name: Lo’lo’a

Date of Birth: 1919

Date of Death: 1997

Nationality: Saudi

Place of Birth: Al-Zalfi

Category: Politician

Profession: Minister

 

Abdullah Al-Tariki


  • Born on 19 March 1919, in the town of Al-Zalfi, Saudi Arabia. 
  • His second wife is Maha Jounblat (Lebanese).
  • Moved to Kuwait in 1924, and went to Al-Ahmadia elementary school. He stayed in this school for five years.
  • Traveled to India in 1929 with one of the traders and worked with him for a period of time. He then got a scholarship in Egypt.
  • Traveled to Cairo in 1933 to study and finished high school in 1938. After that, he went to Fouad I University to study chemistry.
  • Obtained a scholarship to study in the United States of America where he enrolled at the University of Texas. He earned a Masters degree in geology in 1947 majoring in petroleum engineering. His thesis was titled “Geology of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.”
  • While in the United States, he also interned in Texaco company in California between 1945 and 1948. Once his internship ended, he returned to Saudi Arabia.
  • Worked as an official responsible for auditing government accounts from oil revenues at Aramco in Dharan, where he came across caches that affect the interests of the Saudi government. He worked to change them through his post as a General Manager for Oil and Minerals Affairs in 1954, which led him to be at odds with Aramco. His disclosure of oil companies’ flaws played a part in the media controversy towards him.
  • The tripartite aggression against Egypt in 1956 did not pass without him asserting his point of view that Arab petrol is an effective weapon, which he pressed Aramco on. On his suggestion, King Saud ordered the halt of Saudi oil supplies to Britain and France. With this, he earned a privileged position in the Arab world.
  • In 1959, he headed the Saudi delegation to Arab Oil Council.
  • In 1960 and 1961, he was appointed as Minister of Petroleum and thus, became the first minister of petroleum in the kingdom’s government. In this capacity, he contributed, along with the Pérez Alfonso, Venezuelan Minister of Petroleum, to the inception and creation of OPEC with the aim of defending the interests oil producing and exporting countries in the face of foreign companies and to utilize petroleum resources in development programs in these countries.
  • Between 1965 and 1970, he published Arab Petroleum magazine which carried the slogan: "Arab petroleum is for Arabs."
  • Dismissed from his post after pressure from the United States of America following his pressuring of Aramco, which had invested heavily in the Kingdom`s oil fields.
  • Lived in Beirut between 1963 and 1980, then moved to Cairo in 1991 where he settled with his wife and his daughter, Haya. He worked as an oil counselor for a number of Arab companies, including the United Arab Emirates.
  • A group of his friends established Abdullah Al-Tariki’s Endowment. The Center of Arab Unity Studies was assigned to manage this endowment. Some of the returns of this endowment were used to publish his complete works and to establish a prize in his name, the first one was awarded to Dr. Yousef Sayegh on 19 March 2000.
  • “Al-Tariki’s unforgettable positions in Algeria before the aggression of 5 June 1967” citing Abdul RahmanAl-Moneef, Al-Tariki’s friend, (Assafir newspaper, 18 September 1997).
  • In the symposium that the Arab socialists held in late May 1967, the main slogan he raised in this symposium was “boycotting the West and America and using oil as a weapon in the battle.”
  • He called for a framework of optimal use for Arab oil, both in the producing country itself and on a regional level. This entailed capping production in proportion to the needs of the producing county for development. He argued that rapid and unjust exploitation, in accordance with the desires of monopolistic companies and their countries, would only waste this resource.
  • Emphasized a national policy which prioritizes the internal national situation followed by the Arab regional situation.
  • Of his quotes: “The West is ready to export the industry of hunger to our societies,” Al-Qabbas, 1 January 2000. 
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Mona Kareem on Blogging and Dissent in Kuwait

[This post is part of an ongoing Profile of a Contemporary Conduit series on Jadaliyya that seeks to highlight distinct voices primarily in and from the Middle East, North Africa, and South Asia.]

Jadaliyya (J): What motivated you to start blogging? 

Mona Kareem (MK): I blogged anonymously starting from 2006 about Kuwaiti politics and minorities in Kuwait. The uprisings motivated me to put my literary and journalistic writings together in a blog, considering the lack of scholarship and reporting on the Gulf region. The stateless minority in Kuwait that I come from did not have any access to media or public exposure, except through blogging and social media.

J: What topics/themes do you cover and why?

MK: I am mostly interested in the issues of minorities in the Gulf. I believe the struggle of those communities is even harder because of how much money Gulf regimes spend on media outlets and organizations to protect their image and further suppress any possibility for us to be heard. The stateless, or the Bidūn, exist in every Gulf country and are denied any right or documentation. Their struggle is against the dominant class and its culture. In Kuwait, the urban, rich class has been the biggest enemy of the tribal, stateless class. In other Gulf countries, the clash is constructed differently, but is of the same nature.

J: From your perspective, how does blogging fit into the wider scope of alternative media?

MK: Blogging has been an alternative source of writing in the Middle East since the war on Iraq. Everyone was looking for the other side of the story, the voice of the insider. Since then, a whole generation has been able to speak through blogging about their concerns – whether regarding politics in general or specific causes against inequality, censorship, etc. The value of blogging to me comes from its nature of being political and opinionated. Media everywhere chews on the discourse of neutrality when in reality, each of them follow a certain agenda. It is in blogging that we can see events narrated and discussed without pretending or claiming to hold ultimate truth in its content.

J: What obstacles have you faced writing about the Bidūn?

MK: It was a completely alien topic when the uprisings first started. Many times, I felt stuck explaining the very basic foundations of the issue and trying to analyze the irrational policies of the government for others. This has changed lately as the Bidūn continue to protest, use social media, and try to expose the oppression practiced against them. On a personal level, my family’s security is always at risk and my chance to have any documents renewed is poor. From experience, speaking about that in detail is also not a possibility, as it only brings more risks to those related to me.

J: How has the Kuwaiti government handled dissent within the past two years?

MK: Very badly. Many of us were hoping to see a more tolerant reaction from authorities, but the citizens and the stateless who continue to protest face intimidation in the region far too much. In 2011, the prime minister was changed and a change in the political system seemed very possible. Right after, the regime made a sudden turn and abused the system to push forward a puppet parliament and to prepare for changes in the constitution that would only lead to a more authoritarian system. This struggle resulted in having more than four hundred people on trial for political reasons since 2011, including protesters, Twitter users, and bloggers.

J: How do you respond to claims that Kuwait exemplifies the most “progressive” or “democratic” government system in the Gulf?

MK: This claim is outrageous, as it serves the interest of the authorities. The situation is only better comparatively. But can a regime be “democratic” and “progressive” because it is neighbored by a bloody dictatorship in Bahrain and a horrific theocracy in Saudi Arabia? Kuwait was ahead of the rest when it was open for all during the 60s and the 70s. Right now, it is just another oppressive Gulf emirate where free speech is violated normally, migrant workers are enslaved, the stateless are dehumanized, and women are only said to be equal because they got to vote in a parliament that has lost its meaning. 

[Mona Kareem tweets at @monakareem and blogs at Mona Kareem.]