Turkey Media Roundup (December 16)

[Ahmet Davutoglu presents Recep Tayyip Erdogan with a gift, 30 September 2014. Image by Hüsnihat, via Wikimedia Commons.] [Ahmet Davutoglu presents Recep Tayyip Erdogan with a gift, 30 September 2014. Image by Hüsnihat, via Wikimedia Commons.]

Turkey Media Roundup (December 16)

By : Turkey Page Media Roundup Editors

[This is a roundup of news articles and other materials circulating on Turkey and reflects a wide variety of opinions. It does not reflect the views of the Turkey Page Editors or of Jadaliyya. You may send your own recommendations for inclusion in each week`s roundup to turkey@jadaliyya.com by Sunday night of every week.]

English

AKP / “New Turkey” / Democracy / Authoritarianism

A New Threat Looming on Turkey`s Horizon: Brain Drain According to Barçın Yinanç, the AKP’s efforts to introduce religion into its secular education system threaten the intellectual strength of Turkey in relation to other Muslim-majority countries.

`Convenient` Murder (1) - (2) Emre Uslu argues that the same people responsible for Hrant Dink’s assassination and the murder of Kurdish activists in Paris are now organizing against the Gülen movement.

Erdoğan Islamizes Education System to Raise `Devout Youth` Kadri Gürsel examines the controversies surrounding recent plans to change the Turkish education system.

Yes to `Ottoman,` No to Compulsory Religion Mustafa Akyol argues in favor of the Ottoman language courses but against the growing religious influence in the sphere of education.

$8,700 will let Young Turks `Buy Out` Their Military Service Metin Turcan explores the causes and consequences of the Turkish government’s recent decision to allow men to purchase exemption from compulsory military service.

Erdoğan`s `New Turkey` Aspires Teaching `Old Turkish` Pınar Tremblay analyzes the justifications behind the AKP government’s efforts to mandate Ottoman language courses.

Breaking the Spell of Armed Forces` Importance in Turkish Society Lale Kemal shows that the ability to buy out of military service means that the burden of service falls on poorer and less-educated people.

Shadow Government Set up in Erdoğan`s White Palace Fehim Taştekin writes that the confidential establishment of a "parallel cabinet" is indicative of Erdoğan’s efforts to consolidate power around himself.

How Has the AK Party Become the Ruling Party? (1) - (2) According to Etyen Mahçupyan, the AK Party’s ongoing political successes are not the result of its own willfulness but rather its resonance with large segments of the Muslim population, as well as Erdoğan’s charismatic presence in the Middle East.

I Refuse to be Intimidated Abdullah Bozkurt evaluates the prospect of an imminent government crackdown on journalism and free speech.

Erdoğan Poised to Land Blow on Former Ally Gülen Murat Yetkin predicts that the AKP government will conduct operations against Gülenists in Turkey on the eve of the anniversary of the 17 December corruption scandal.

Yes, Turkey is Old Turkey No More! Arzu Kaya Uranlı argues that Erdoğan’s "New Turkey" is characterized by a series of unending controversies intended to preoccupy the public.

Neo-Ottomanism Doğu Ergil criticizes the assumptions about the Ottoman Empire that underpin the resurgent discourse of neo-Ottomanism.

Peace and Reconciliation Process

Dangerous Escalation of Tension in Turkey`s Kurdish Bid Murat Yetkin analyzes the negative impact that the new security bill has had on efforts to broker a peace deal between the government and the PKK.

Turkey is One Step Closer to Peace Markar Esayan claims that the AKP’s steadfastness in the peace process led to the recent announcement by the KCK that it accepted the Democratic Resolution and Negotiation Draft.

A Conversation with Salih Muslim Verda Özer interviews Salih Muslim, co-president of the PYD in Syria, about Kobane, the peace process, and prospects for Kurdish unity.

Corruption Allegations

Robbing Turkey of its Values Abdullah Bozkurt argues that the growing corruption and authoritarianism of the AKP government has undermined public confidence and will “sweep Islamists from power sooner than many think.”

Moral Damage Ali Bulaç claims that government corruption has sullied the legitimacy of Islam and corrupted the beliefs of religious people in Turkey.

Why Davutoğlu`s Armenian Adviser Angered AKP Deputies According to Mustafa Akyol, Etyen Mahçupyan, Davutoğlu’s top political adviser, has a sophisticated defense of AKP politics that nonetheless undermines human rights and the rule of law.

Which One of the Four Ex-Ministers will be Tried by Turkish Courts? Murat Yetkin examines the accusations against the four ex-ministers who were ousted following the corruption probe in December of last year.

Election Threshold & Constitutional Court

Turkey`s Trial with the Judiciary Markar Esayan claims that the constitutional court’s recent proposal to lower the election threshold is an effort to undermine the elections next year.

The AKP Fears a Level Playing Field Semih İdiz asserts that lowering the election threshold below ten percent would threaten the AKP’s political dominance.

The 2015 Election in Turkey According to Taha Özhan, the 2015 election will help consolidate the AKP’s rule and will show the inefficacy of the opposition parties’ organization and politics.

Foreign Policy

Abdul-Mahdi: Now Real Work Begins for Baghdad, Erbil (1) - (2) Cengiz Çandar argues that Turkey may become a “geopolitical bystander” due to recent oil deals between Baghdad and Erbil as well as Russia’s cancellation of the South Stream gas project.

Turkey and Greece Are Breaking Taboos Ozan Ceyhun claims that the recent advances in Turkey-Greece relations can help resolve the Cyprus issue as well as the tensions with Armenia.

Turkey, the EU, and the Middle East Murat Yetkin examines recent improvements in Turkey’s relationship to the EU in light of its perceived shift towards the Middle East in recent years.

Animosity for the West Drives Erdoğan, Putin Closer Semih İdiz argues that recent developments in Turkey-Russia relations are part of an effort by Putin and Erdoğan at geopolitical restructuring aimed at subverting the West’s dominance.

In Natural Gas, All Pipelines Go through Turkey According to Mehmet Çetingüleç, Turkey is becoming a bridge for natural gas being sold to Europe by countries in the Middle East and Central Asia.

Erdoğan Defends Brotherhood`s Qaradawi after Arrest Warrant Tülin Daloğlu writes about the consequences of Erdoğan’s efforts to protect Youssef al-Qaradawi, the ideological leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, from extradition back to Egypt.

Ten Years Ago Joost Lagendijk meditates on current EU-Turkey relations in light of the tenth anniversary of the beginning of Turkey’s accession talks.

Energy Deals May Make Turkey Irreversibly Reliant on Moscow Zülfikar Doğan suggests that the recent natural gas deal between Turkey and Russia, as well as Russia’s efforts to help build nuclear power plants in Turkey, threaten Turkey’s energy independence.

Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East Murat Özçelik argues that Turkey’s moderate Islamist approach to foreign policy in the Middle East has led to “intractable problems” with all of its neighbors.

The Cyprus Standoff Continues According to Amanda Paul, the Cyprus peace talks should involve a discussion over Cyprus’ natural gas reserves in order to resolve the conflict.

Economy

Businesses Boom as Syrians Put Down Roots in Turkey Sibel Utku Bila explores the changing dynamics of business and commerce as Syrian refugees begin to enter the economy and workforce.

On the Verge of a Bottleneck İbrahim Türkmen claims that recent trends indicate a slump in Turkey’s growth that should generate political pressure on the Central Bank.

An Insightful Outlook on Turkish Economy from the World Bank Serkan Demirtaş analyzes a recent World Bank report on the Turkish economy that highlights the value of education and encourages a crackdown on corruption as well as more modest expectations for Turkey’s continued growth.

Greece in Trouble: What Will Turkey`s Role Be? Tulu Gümüştekin suggests that the solution to Greece’s ongoing financial difficulties and severe austerity measures could lie in Turkey’s economic stability.

Other Pertinent Pieces

Proposed Bill Challenges Turkish Citizenship for Foreign Spouses Pınar Tremblay examines a recent bill that stipulates foreign spouses must align with “public morality” in order to be eligible for Turkish citizenship through marriage.

Inequality Is the Only Problem in Turkish Education İsmet Berkan argues that the structure of the Turkish education system perpetuates inequality and reproduces elitism.

Gezi and Ferguson: A Reply to Ceren Kenar Louis Fishman criticizes pro-government journalists for trying to compare the Gezi protests with the Ferguson protests against police violence in order to delegitimize the Gezi protests.

Turkish

AKP / “New Turkey” / Democracy / Authoritarianism

Muhafazakâr demokratlıktan radikal İslamcılığa, devlet eliyle toplumu dindarlaştırmaya… Hasan Cemal argues that the AKP has transformed from “conservative democrat” to “radical Islamist” and that it imposes a state-sanctioned religiosity on all segments of society.  

Dinle devleti ayırmadan olmaz Commenting on the recent debates on the Alevi question as well as the limits and problems of Diyanet (the Directorate of Religious Affairs), Sahin Alpay argues that the real solution lies in the separation of religion from the state.

Aile devleti Turhan Bozkurt criticizes the AKP for building a “family state” that favors kinship ties over democracy.  

AKP’nin kazanacağı son seçim! According to Seyfi Ongider, the “New Turkey” has been built upon Erdoğan’s “politics of polarization,” through which he tries to garner support and legitimacy from the majority.

Firtina oncesi sessizlik Suat Kiniklioglu argues that the 2015 elections are the last chance for Turkey to adopt democratization.

Neden devlet cocuklarimizin zamanina once el koyup sonra geri satiyor? Guven Sak criticizes compulsory military service for male citizens in Turkey.

Süper lider gerçeğe karşı Oney Sezin argues that Erdoğan emphasizes the importance of human rights only when his target audience is the West, while human rights violations are drastically increasing in Turkey.

Demirtaş olayı: “Yeni” Türkiye’ye “eski” adet (1)-(2) Rusen Cakir argues that the AKP has followed a campaign to discredit Kurdish politician Selahattin Demirtas since the last presidential elections.

Din devletin olursa? “The government is expropriating religion. Thus the government is increasing its sovereignty and opening up a power domain for Erdoğan that would not even be affected by corruption or injustice,” writes Mumtaz’er Turkone.

AKP`yi surekli kim aldatiyor? Ahmet Insel suggests that the AKP uses the rhetoric of fighting with the “parallel state” in order to pass a new domestic security bill which would give the police enormous rights.

Çekin ellerinizi gazetecilerin üzerinden! Dogan Akin reports that the government is preparing for a mass arrest of journalists who work at publications that belong to the Gülen community.

Ha sokaksız demokrasi ha “yumurtasız omlet” (1)-(2) Criticizing the mass arrests of dissidents under the name of “public security,” Veysi Sarisozen argues that “streets” are the only remaining means that would put an end to the AKP’s dictatorship.

Gözdağı nereye kadar? Lale Kemal criticizes the government for resorting to mass arrests of dissidents and journalists and censorship on the free press in order to blanket corruption allegations.

Şifre 17 Aralık Mustafa Unal argues that the government might conduct a big operation against journalists in order to take revenge for and render invisible the 17 December corruption and bribery allegations.

Gündem hamlesi Mustafa Unal finds Erdoğan’s statement that the Gülen community and the PKK work in collaboration unproven and just a maneuver to divert the public’s attention from corruption allegations.

Ottoman-Language Classes

Eğitim Şûrası (1)-(2) Murat Belge reports that the AKP took compulsory Ottoman language classes and stopping mixed-sex education into its political agenda.

Mesele Osmanlıca değil, ‘yeni Osmanlıcılık’ Hurrem Sonmez argues that the AKP’s real motivation behind its attempts to mandate Ottoman language courses is adopting and spreading “New Ottomanism.”

‘Osmanlıca’ savaşları: Maksat geçmişle barışmak değil, bugünkü kavgayı körüklemek  Nuray Mert demystifies the government’s claim that Ottoman language classes will establish a bridge between Turkish citizens and their forgotten past.

Eğitim Şûrası ve Osmanlıca tartışmaları “It is clear that the AKP’s concern is not linguistics or reinterpretation of historical documents.…The AKP is concerned with `social engineering` and it wants to reshape the society by rendering it more backward and conservative,” writes Ahmet Yasaroglu.

Mesele gerçekten Osmanlıca mı? Bekir Agirdir suggests that the AKP’s attempts to mandate Ottoman language classes are part of its attempts to generate a homogenous society that does not allow for multiplicity and diversity.

Eğitim üzerine notlar Metin Yegin proposes new roadmaps for an alternative education system that do not impose on students any compulsory classes and that permit education in the mother language.

Election Threshold & Constitutional Court

Seçim ve demokratik siyaset According to Adil Bayram, the 2015 elections will determine where Turkey will go from now amidst the war and violence in the Middle East.

Baraj niyeti ve çözüm samimiyeti Ayhan Bilgen argues that lowering or eliminating the ten percent electoral threshold would show whether or not the government is sincere about its efforts for democratization and solving the Kurdish question.

‘Barajın’ faturası bu sefer AKP’ye çıkmalıdır! Ihsan Carlan highlights that the ten percent threshold is a product of 1980 military coup and it has aimed at preventing Kurdish political parties from entering parliament.

Seçim barajı AKP’yi boğacak “Corruption and bribery allegations as well as the HDP’s decision to enter the next elections as a political party [instead of independent parliamentarians] has ruined all of the AKP’s plans,” writes Dogan Durgun.

Peace and Reconciliation Process

AKP’nin sürece yaklaşımı güven vermiyor Zilark Sterk points out that the AKP is trying to stall the peace process until the end of the next elections.

Başkanlık gölgesindeki sürecin sonu kopuştur Cengiz Aktar suggests that the government stalls the peace process, whereas Öcalan argues that with a strong and sincere will, peace can be established in four to five months.

Once Terorle Mucadele Kanunu, digerleri sonra… According to Tarhan Erdem, the Kurdish question cannot be solved without eliminating the censorship on freedom of opinion and expression and eliminating the Anti-Terror laws.   

Ocalan`dan Kandil`e rest, Kandil`den sartli destek Murat Yetkin suggest that the new domestic security bill and upcoming elections will play crucial roles in the peace process.

Kürtlerin kumarı Amberin Zaman argues that the HDP’s decision to enter the next elections as a political party instead of independent parliamentarians might be a strategy to strengthen its hand during peace negotiations with the AKP.

Çözüm sürecindeki fasit daire… Ali Bayramoglu argues that the peace process entered into a stagnant period because of the government’s passing of a new security bill and the HDP’s calling for street protests as well as the war in Kobane.

Kontrollü gerginlik, kontrollü müzakere According to Mete Cubukcu, there is an unsolved “trust problem” between the government and the Kurdish political movement, which blocks the peace process.

Çözüm süreci yola girecek mi? Muzaffer Ayata points out that the government does not have any roadmap or strategy for the peace process other than stalling.

HDP ve Demirtaş neden hedef tahtasına yatırıldı? Ender Imrek sees AKP’s lynching campaigns against the HDP and Selahattin Demirtas as a lynching campaign against all peace and democracy struggles.

Foreign Policy

Turkiye`nin "Avrupa`siz" yolculugu (1)-(2) Cengiz Candar suggests that Erdoğan’s foreign policy in the Middle East leads Turkey into a “journey without Europe.”

Cikisi olmayan cikis According to Fehim Tastekin, it is very unlikely for Turkey to find a way out of the dilemma in terms of its position in international relations without changing its foreign policy.   

Economy

IMF’ye göre Türkiye’de bankalar riskli Suleyman Yasar reports that banks in Turkey are risky for investors and creditors, according to the IMF.

2014: Ekonomik performans iyi degil! Fatih Ozatay points out that inflation and unemployment are increasing in Turkey, whereas the growth share is likely to remain under three percent.

Devlet kapitalizmine geçtik Suleyman Yasar argues that Turkey has switched from a market economy to state-centered capitalism.

Other Pertinent Pieces

90`ların hak mücadeleleri (1)-(2)-(3)-(4)-(5)-(6)-(7)-(8) Bianet’s comprehensive series chronicles the 1990’s rights struggles in Turkey, including the issues of freedom of press and expression, social movements, urban transformation, LGBT rights, conscientious objection and others.

`Nefes alamıyorum`: Başkaldırının farkında mısınız? Cihan Tugal argues that not only in the United States but in Tunisia, Turkey, and elsewhere, people “cannot breathe” because of the globalization of capitalism, isolation, and fascism.  

“Polis hukuku sevmez, polis olmayı sever” Veysel Dinler, former crime scene investigator, comments on the new domestic security bill.

Dink Davası: Bir otopsi… Ali Bayramoglu argues that Hrant Dink’s unidentified murder would be an autopsy to Turkey’s corrupt, fragmented, and politicized judiciary system as well as state institutions, including the police and national intelligence.

Published on Jadaliyya

`Nefes alamiyorum`: Baskaldirinin farkinda misiniz?

Expropriation, Lawlessness, and Resistance in Yirca`s Olive Groves: An Interview with Olcay Bingol and Deniz Bayram

Yerellik ve Evrensellik arasinda Rojava deneyimi

Armenian Diaspora Tourism in Turkey: An Interview with Anny Bakalian

The Poverty of Moral Answers to Political Questions: On Perceptions of Islam in the Wake of ISIS

Epohi Interview with Jadaliyya Co-Editor Ziad Abu-Rish on the Emergence of ISIS and Regional Ramifications

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The Chronicle of Higher Education Interviews Jadaliyya Co-Founder Bassam Haddad

The following interview was conducted by Ursula Lindsey with Jadaliyya Co-Editor Bassam Haddad in preparation for a feature about Jadaliyya for The Chronicle of Higher Education. The feature was published on 29 September 2014 and can be accessed by clicking here.

Ursula Lindsey (UL): Could you send me any statistics on the readership of Jadaliyya? I would like to get a sense of the overall size of the readership, and how it is geographically distributed.

Bassam Haddad (BH): We have become much less interested in numbers after having passed an important threshold in 2013, but we do not totally ignore them! Unfortunately (because one would like to see an alternative), the best indicator of the growth and expansion of readership has been “Facebook Reach,” which increased from around fifty thousand per week during the first six months in 2010–2011, to one million in 2012–2013, and surpassed 2.3 million in 2014. We actually stopped monitoring such numbers as closely, but know that our social media and classroom presence continues to increase steadily as our Facebook followers have surpassed 130,000. These followers are pretty active in circulating our content, and constitute a large part of how Jadaliyya content is disseminated. Twitter is another indicator. However, we refrain from tweeting too much, as shown by our tweets-to-followers ratio—which is perhaps among the highest (9900 tweets and twenty-seven thousand followers), at about thirty percent. The closest we have seen in our field is about forty-five to fifty percent. This reflects the extent to which each post/article, and/or tweet, is generating interest. It is important to note that our Arabic reading audience, world-wide but mainly in the region itself, has quadrupled since 2011, and now constitutes almost thirty to thirty-five percent of our readership, a testimony to how local informed readers elect to turn to Jadaliyya frequently—largely because our writers on local matters are either writing from the region or are intimately connected with the region.

As to other forms of tracing numbers, such as unique visitors, they seem quite inconsistent because the extent to which Jadaliyya is read not only via Android, iPhone, and iPad apps, but also because of the unusually large level of circulation of PDFs via huge email lists (which we are on and we see!) and, most importantly, its ubiquitous presence on syllabi (for instance, our unique visitors to the site hover around 500,000 a month, while most read Jadaliyya off line via email, PDF, or apps). Our Middle East scholars/educators/researchers list, now combined with that of Tadween Publishing, our sister organization, tops eight thousand engaged Jadaliyya readers who are increasingly assigning material from Jadaliyya.

The reason this happens is not only because we have good content. There is plenty good content if one searches the net carefully. Rather, it because of four very specific reasons: first, our good content has a long shelf-life, an outcome that is built into the editorial process; second, Jadaliyya content serves as an explicit resource or reference, through twelve topical and country/region-specific Media Roundups, profiles and archival posts for reference use, as well as weekly pedagogical reviews of new books, films, documentaries, art exhibits, and relevant social media items; third, Jadaliyya, in conjunction with Tadween’s blog, has become the space that most educators/researchers constantly visit for matters related to academic freedom, publishing, and higher education in the region as well as the United States and Europe; finally, our Jadaliyya content is selectively tapped to produce books and pedagogical publications that are published by Tadween Publishing and other publishers like Palgrave and Pluto Press, giving more gravity, and more longevity, to Jadaliyya content. One important source of such readers is JADMAG, of which we have so far produced five issues geared to educators, and chock-full of resources that are compiled and categorized at the end of each issue. (see www.JadMag.org or www.TadweenPublishing.com for more information). 

This source of readership is constantly expanding as Jadaliyya seems to be the only available site for such content (now quadro-lingual), and is our litmus test and what keeps us on our toes from day to day. The reason we emphasize this source in relation to numbers and quality is because the population of students reading Jadaliyya material based on educators’ choices is increasing exponentially at times, and serves as our most consistent source of readership with time especially that newcomers from that sphere become loyal readers. 

It is no surprise that the Middle East Studies Association (MESA) consistently sends us their critical public letters to publish when they want to reach the broader academic and research/journalist communities, including beyond the United States. It is not something you see consistently on any other website. And this applies to various other organizations that would like to reach the same expansive cohort (based in the United States, Europe, or the Middle East), including the new Arab Council for the Social Sciences (ACSS).

Our colleague and professor of Arabic literature at Brown University, Elias Muhanna, who also runs his own popular blog, Qifa Nabki, commented openly at a conference that he does not know a professor teaching the modern Middle East who does not have a variety of Jadaliyya articles on their syllabi—an honor that ranges from rare to unique when it comes to similar online publications. 

UL: We discussed stories that caused particularly strong debates, and you mentioned the critique of DAM`s video. Are there any other pieces that sparked debates?    

BH: Just to clarify, this last piece sparked more than a debate, as some folks where actually unhappy with the approach—though we are still in good communication with the concerned parties (e.g., DAM) given our approach to the matter. The pieces that sparked debate, discussion, and the like are actually many, and I am not sure it would be fair to single out a handful. However, the notable pieces that drew heated debates and attention revolve around the July coup in Egypt, or around the nature of the Syrian uprising. But this is almost a continuous variable, and still sparks heated discussions that reflect the polarization on these matters among concerned publics. Nonetheless, we continue to get serious engagement—even if sometimes a bit over the top—from detractors on various topics, from Palestine and Syria, to articles on sexuality, Islam, and even literature and film. The fact that detractors of the entire publication continue to engage and critique reveals a sense of legitimacy that even this cohort associate with Jadaliyya. For a critical publication, this is priceless, and we think we will fail if we do not maintain that level of quality and legitimacy.

UL: What are the most common criticisms or suggestions for improvement your get? Do you think they are valid? Where do you see room for improvement? When I last saw Jadaliyya Co-Editor Sinan Antoon in Cairo, he said, for example, he thought the site might publish less so as to focus more on the quality of the writing. 

BH: Oh, dear, there are all kinds, and so many of which come from us, the editors, given that various page teams are relatively autonomous. Our position on critique is simple: we ignore any critique at our own peril. This does not mean that all criticisms are equally valid. They are not. It does, however, mean that we take them seriously and assume their validity until we can illustrate otherwise to ourselves and to others. In most instances, critiques do include a modicum of validity, and our responsiveness to nearly every single significant line of critiques (based on a compilation) is the reason we keep growing in quality and numbers. We surely miss some, and we surely make mistakes even in assessing critiques—but these represent a minority of cases within our practice. Based on what we have heard, we see room for improvement in soliciting even more writing from the region; in working harder to get more pieces from the scene, on intractably controversial matters, like Syria; and we agree that we, like any successful publication, can get too comfortable with its status quo of readership and contributors. But questions like yours, and internal discussions based on similar observations, push us on a quarterly basis to make a deliberate and explicit effort to reach out. This is in fact why we dramatically expanded the Arabic section (in terms of readership and contributors) during the past two years. 

All in all we operate on a five-year plan of sorts (despite the problematic association with five-year plans). At this point, as we are still in our fourth year, we are establishing ourselves as a serious and perhaps the go-to publication for informed readership. But you will soon see some changes that will expand our scope and spice things up a bit in a productive direction, at a time when we need not worry as much about the basics and daily operations. Our challenge, actually, is to maintain the essentially voluntary-based nature of Jadaliyya. Therefore, much of what we have focused on during the first years of establishment involves building the best team there is, or what we think is such, under these circumstances. It is a continuing challenge, but it has been working since 1992 when the parent organization, the Arab Studies Journal, started.

As to the question of quantity verses quality, we exercise a mean purge every quarter, precisely to avoid the false impression that quantity is synonymous with quality. Surely, we fail here and there. However, the one development since 2013 has been the reduction of the output rate—which we view as having been somewhat unavoidable as this is how you connect with new readership and contributors in the early stages—from about 175 pieces per month to about 110-120 (though this includes all posts and reports, etc.). But this challenge continues, and—frankly—we hold ourselves to standards that are not observed in comparable publications that either focus on one country, or one approach (e.g., Foreign Policy), or one audience, or one language, or one discipline, etc. So we have to make up our own standards for a new kind of publication. All this takes time, and we welcome any criticism that allows us to meat our challenge. We are not sensitive to productive critique at all! We will fail without it. 

UL: You mention detractors of the site—any examples?

BH: Every new initiative gives rise to critics, and that is a good thing. What is interesting about Jadaliyya’s critics, most of them at least, is that they critique and stick around for the most part—largely because of what they tell us verbatim at times: “We expect more from Jadaliyya,” or something of the sort. Now the question of who these critics are depends on the issue, and often our biggest critics on one topic are our biggest fans on another. Syria is a good example where we get flack from both pro-opposition corners and anti-opposition corners, but you would find avid readers of other Jadaliyya pages among both varieties. Do we have critics that do not think Jadaliyya is worth reading at all? You bet! There is very little we can do to convince those voices otherwise. Having said all of that, the fact is that Jadaliyya has filled a gap and presented a centrifugal force around which critics of mainstream discourse on the region in the United State and beyond hover. That in and of itself has generated detractors. 

UL: It seems to me that Jadaliyya has a pretty clear, consistent identity, both in its politics and its theoretical orientations. The people who edit and write it are generally the same age and peer group, and many have known each other for a long time. Do you think you have a wide enough variety of views? Do you feel like Jadaliyya has been able to spark debates outside of a community of like-minded contributors and readers? 

BH: [One factual note: the editors and contributors are by no means of similar age or belong to similar social circles—not after 2011, regarding the latter comment, and have never been, regarding the former comment. We have had more than a thousand contributors and the Jadaliyya team surpasses eighty people living in different countries now. Any cursory view of any fifty consecutive posts reveals a variety that easily surpasses most comparable publications. As for views, it is a political challenge, not always a question of diversity. See below.]

This is the one-million dollar question. Yes, any good publication must struggle with this dialectic of building a readership based on a particular kind/nature of knowledge production, but then expanding it to attract new readership and contributors while retaining the reason for its success. Are we guilty of not doing this perfectly? Absolutely. Have we gone far beyond most other publications to allow for serious internal differences and reach out to new and alternative views? Absolutely. But that does not exhaust the question. As mentioned above, we are in the building stage, and we view a good part of the shortcomings as related byproducts. However, this is one of our fundamental goals as we enter and complete our fifth year, and it will not come without its risks, risks we are very happy to take. Most importantly in reference to sparking discussion or debates, Jadaliyya articles have been written about and discussed in conferences and in social media in ways that have actually jump-started broader research questions and helped set research agendas—not to mention the impact of Jadaliyya on the carriers of junior writers who make their debut there and then get picked up by other institutions who are hiring, paying, and producing knowledge. The list is pretty long.

Having said that, two comments are relevant here. First, we are not and do not pretend to be an open forum for all views. Though I suspect you recognize that and you are not asking about why we do not highlight and invite problematic (racist, sexist, classist, etc. writers), but rather, from within the perspective we support, we may still afford more variety—and that is totally fair, and the above addresses our need to meet this challenge in increasingly better ways.

The second comment is political, and refers to the context within which Jadaliyya and other publications emerged in recent years. We see ourselves as a counter-discourse in relation to the dominant and quite entrenched discourse on the Middle East in the United States primarily, but also beyond. We also see ourselves in the same manner in relation to the petro-media empire of some Arab states. In this context, we are trying to provide an alternative reference point for sound daily analysis on the region. To establish that difficult reality and standard, we have had to be more focused on consistency and quality, sometimes at the expense of maximum diversity. So, we are not, per se, seeking diversity of “views” in the absolute sense, which is a matter/goal that speaks more to liberal concerns that are often divorced from realities of power and its direct relation to dominant discourses. However, where we have room to improve on this particular point, which is how we understand your question, is to establish even more diversity “within” the “general” perspective we endorse. And, yes, we do have some work to do in that respect, but not always for lack of trying. We are fighting an uphill battle and we also have to pay attention to the challenge of dragging everyone along while expanding this spectrum (i.e., the million-dollar challenge/question above). The years ahead will speak louder than any words regarding our genuine interest in making this happen within the context of a counter-discourse movement.

Also, we do not pay our writers, and this restricts us by excluding many careerist writers who might have provided a diversity of sorts despite differing views.

Finally, it is important to note that beyond the essentials, we have ongoing viewpoint disagreements within Jadaliyya regarding content and particular pieces. We think it is a testament to the absence of a rigid conception regarding which particular views are welcome.

UL: Finally, there is an argument that young academics should focus on scholarly work and publication and not "waste" their ideas and time on writing for web sites and other venues. How do you respond to that? 

BH: We totally agree in principle, considering the kind of online publications and quality that proliferates. And whereas we would give the same advice, we cannot ignore the fact that the strategic position of Jadaliyya within the academic community can be a plus for rising academics who would like to be read and heard. Last year alone, several folks within and outside Jadaliyya remarked to us how valuable their Jadaliyya contributions were in capturing the attention of employers/academics in the hiring process. This semi-exception is borne out of the fact that Jadaliyya has indeed become the go-to place for academics generally, despite what this or that observer can say, sometimes legitimately, about the quality of this or that post. We just have to make sure that this continues to be kept to a minimum in the coming five, or ten, years!

So, in short, it depends. In the case of Jadaliyya, publishing there can be used strategically to enhance one’s chances of getting an academic job. We used to think that this was not the case before we were told otherwise by employers and during academic interviews. Used properly, it can be a plus, and this is not confined to Jadaliyya, as there are a number of quality publications out there. The world is changing, and the academic community is following suit, even if at a few steps behind.

UL: Are you planning on publishing anything soon on Obama`s war on ISIS?

BH: Yes, we have published a number of pieces addressing the rise and nature of ISIS, in both Arabic and English, and, beginning the week of 22 September, our fourth anniversary incidentally, we are publishing a regular media roundup specifically on ISIS-related articles. Stay tuned!