Text of Alleged Contract between Russian and Syrian Governments

Text of Alleged Contract between Russian and Syrian Governments

Text of Alleged Contract between Russian and Syrian Governments

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following is an English translation made available by the Washington Post on 15 January 2016 of a Russian-language document the newspaper claims was posted on a Russian government website. According to the Washington Post, the document "details the terms of its [Russian] ariel support for Syrian President Bashar al-Assad."]

Agreement between the Russian Federation and the Syrian Arab Republic on deployment of an aviation group of the Russian Armed Forces on the territory of the Syrian Arab Republic.

The Russian Federation and the Syrian Arab Republic, further on referred to as “parties to the agreement,”  based on the provisions of the Treaty of Friendship between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Syrian Arab Republic from October 8, 1980, as well as agreements signed between the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation and the Ministry of Defense of the Syrian Arab Republic on July 7, 1994, and in accordance with the mutual aspiration to protect the sovereignty, territorial integrity and security of the Russian Federation and Syrian Arab Republic;

Recognizing that the deployment of Russian aviation group on the territory of the Syrian Arab Republic is aimed at maintaining peace and stability in the region. Its purpose is purely defensive, and is not directed against any other state;

Confirming the commonness of tasks of fighting against terrorism and extremism;

Realizing the necessity of consolidating efforts in counteraction to terrorist threats;

Agreed on the following:

Article 1

Terms of the Agreement

Article 2 

Subject of the Agreement

  1. Upon the request of the Syrian side, the Russian Federation is deploying a Russian aviation group on the territory of the Syrian Arab Republic.
  2. Place of deployment of the Russian aviation group and the list of facilities transferred over to the Russian side are stipulated in a separate protocol to the present agreement.
  3. For the deployment of the Russian aviation group, the Syrian side provides Hmeimim airbase in Latakia province, with its infrastructure, as well as the required territory agreed upon between the parties.
  4. Hmeimim airbase and its infrastructure are provided for use by the Russian Federation without charge.
  5. The engagement of the Russian aviation group shall be carried out upon the decision of the commander of the group and in accordance with the plans agreed upon between the parties.

Article 3

Authorized Agencies

Article 4

Composition of the Russian Aviation group

  1. Composition (type and quantity of air equipment, ammunitions and military equipment as well as size of personnel) of the Russian aviation group shall be defined by the Russian side upon the agreement with the Syrian side.
  2. The organizational chart and list of staff of the Russian aviation group shall be developed, approved and amended by the authorized agency of the Russian party, notifying the authorized agency of the Syrian party.

Article 5

Importing and exporting of property and travel of personnel

  1. The Russian party shall have the right to move into the Syrian Arab Republic and move out from the Syrian Arab Republic any equipment, ammunition, shells and other materials required for the aviation group, without any fees or duties.
  2. All movable property and objects of infrastructure temporarily deployed by the Russian party on Hmeimim airbase shall remain the property of the Russian Federation.
  3. Personnel of the Russian aviation group shall be able to freely cross the border, upon presenting travel documents valid for exit from Russia, and shall not be subject for customs or border control.

Article 6

Immunity and privileges

  1. The Russian servicemen shall respect the laws, customs and traditions of the country of sojourn, of which they will be informed upon their arrival in Syria.
  2. The Russian military contingent shall be immune from Syria’s civilian and administrative jurisdiction.
  3. Movables and immovables of the Russian aviation group shall be inviolable. Representatives of the Syrian Arab Republic shall not have the right to enter the place of deployment without prior agreement with the commander.
  4. The servicemen and their families enjoy all the privileges under the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations.
  5.  Any property belonging to the Russian aviation group has been declared immune and inviolable.

Syria has also pledged to exempt the Russian air group from any direct and indirect taxes.

Article 7

Settlement of claims

  1. The Syrian Arab Republic shall not lodge claims to the Russian Federation, the Russian aviation group and its personnel, and shall not file any suits related to the activity of the Russian aviation group and its personnel.
  2. The Syrian Arab Republic assumes responsibility for settling all claims that could be put forward by third parties as a result of damage caused by the activities of the Russian air group and its personnel.

Article 8

Tax benefits

The Syrian Arab republic exempts the Russian aviation group from any direct and indirect taxes.

Article 9

Amendments to the Agreement

Upon agreement between the parties the present agreement can be amended. The amendments shall be stipulated in separate protocols.

Article 10

Settlement of disagreements

All disagreements arising from using or interpreting of the present agreement shall be settled through consultations.

Article 11

Effective Date

The agreement is temporarily used from the date of its signing and enters into force as of the date of notification via diplomatic channels of fulfillment of the parties’ internal procedures.

Article 12

Term of the Agreement and its Termination

This agreement is for an indefinite period. It can be terminated by any of the signatories upon written notification. In this case, the agreement loses validity a year after the notification has been received by the other side.

The agreement was signed in Damascus on August 26, 2015, in Russian and Arabic, with both texts being equally authentic.

[signatures]

 

  

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412