Jadaliyya Co-Editor Noura Erakat Responds to Kerry Speech and Congressman Brad Sherman on MSNBC

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Jadaliyya Co-Editor Noura Erakat Responds to Kerry Speech and Congressman Brad Sherman on MSNBC

By : Jadaliyya Reports

On 28 December 2016, US Secretary of State John Kerry delivered a comprehensive speech about the United States’ vision for a two state solution. Kerry’s address was remarkable for its candor: he insisted that settlements did not increase Israel’s security; he referred to Israel’s establishment as the Palestinian nakba; said that Israel must choose between either Jewish or democratic, but could not be both; among other remarks. The speech was also typical in its overemphasis on Palestinian violence as a root cause of the conflict as opposed to a symptom of setter-colonialism.

In this interview, Jadaliyya Co-Editor Noura Erakat joins MSNBC by phone to comment on the speech and to respond to US Congressman Brad Sherman, who explained that the demand of return for Palestinian refugees was equivalent to removing all Jews from the Middle East. 

 


 


 

 
RUSH TRANSCRIPT

MSNBC Host: Joining me now by phone, Noura Erakat, Human Rights Attorney and Professor at George Mason University. Noura I understand that you were listening to congressman Brad Sherman, just before the break. Do you care to respond to what congressman Sherman had to say?

Noura Erakat: Congressman Sherman told viewers and unfortunately, his constituents, that the end of an apartheid regime that distinguishes between Palestinians and Jewish Israelis and actually privileges Jewish Israelis as a matter of law, and an apartheid regime is the same thing as removing Jews from the entire Middle East. That is very disingenuous, that is dangerous, that is an outright lie, and irresponsible thing to say as a member of congress. Jews are part and parcel, an intricate fabric of the middle east from Yemen, Morocco, Syria, Lebanon, Tunisia, the rest of North Africa. This is not the same thing, and even Jews to stay in what is Palestine and Israel is absolutely fine. The request is to end an apartheid regime, not to remove Jewish people, those are two different things, and the conflation of those things is very dangerous and exactly why this conflict has become intractable.

MSNBC: Well professor I want to drill down on that a little bit with you. Obviously the Palestinians see the situation very differently than the Israeli Prime Minister. Why is the idea of recognizing Israel as a Jewish state being characterized as such a roadblock here?

NE: Israel demanded that Palestinians recognize it as a juridical reality which they did in 1987 and formally in the Oslo peace process in 1993. Israel has been recognized juridicaly and has existed as a state since 1948 and has been--entered the United Nations as a member state in 1949. So this idea that the—now demanding, upping this demand, moving the needle so that Palestinians are short yet again is basically like telling France, we do not want you to just recognize that France is for the French, or that the U.S. is for Americans but like saying, hey you have to recognize that the U.S. is for white Americans only or that France is for French Americans only. Right now within Israel, twenty percent of its population is not Jewish, they are Muslim and Christian Palestinian citizens of the state, who are treated as a fifth column. What happens when the state is not recognized as a state for Israelis, but is recognized as a state for Jews only? What happens to those Palestinians who are citizens of the state that are Christian and Muslim? Are we okay with that? As a country that separated in the first amendment, separated church and state, and believes in equality and believes in the treatment of people regardless of creed, color, religion. Are we okay with them saying that Israel is only for Jewish citizens? And not for all citizens of the state? I leave that up to your listeners and to your viewers. I certainly am not. And I think when Palestinian Authority, or Palestine refuses to recognize Israel as a Jewish state, it is for similar reasons. For the values that we uphold.

MSNBC: Both Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and two republican senators today said that the real problem is Palestinians. I am talking about Lindsey Graham for instance who said that the Palestinians are in complete disarray when it comes to acting like a state. That is a direct quote. What do you say to Senator Graham?

NE: I say two things. The first thing is that they are not a state, they are a people under occupation. We, the only person that ever offered a nominal statehood to Palestinians was Ehud Barak, and those negotiations fell apart in the year 2000. There is an expectation for a people who are functioning under a military occupation and apartheid regime when the Prime Minister has to literally get the, excuse me the Palestinian President has to literally get permission to travel out of Palestine from Israel and then to turn around and expect them to act the same as a state means that we are not providing the means to the Palestinians in order to be able to function. Sovereignty is met with responsibility and Palestinians have not had that sovereignty, and yet have met nearly every demand Israelis have imposed on them. And the problem is not Palestine. And Kerry said it today in his speech: the settlements do not increase Israelis security. The settlements compromise Israelis even more, by being built on Palestinian lands that require their dispossession, their removal, their concentration. And them, their militarization, their treatment as suspects just for existing and living near there afterwards. How is Israel making itself safer? How is furthering its own cause? Obama and now Kerry are trying to save Israel from itself. Unfortunately members of congress, rather than aiding the Democratic leadership in ushering a new era, are simply protracting the conflict further and moving us faster into an apartheid reality.

MSNBC: Alright Professor Noura Erakat unfortunately have to leave it there. Thank you very much for your time today.

 


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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412