Call for Targeted Academic Boycott of Turkey

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Call for Targeted Academic Boycott of Turkey

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[This call was released by Academics for Peace on 7 June 2017. The statement is also available in Arabic, Bengali, Bulgarian, Chinese (Mandarin), French, Finnish, German, Hungarian, Italian, Japanese, Kurdish (Sorani), Kurdish (Kurmanji), Norwegian, Persian, Russian, Spanish, and Swedish. For more information, click here; to sign on to this petition, click here.]

CALL FOR TARGETED ACADEMIC BOYCOTT OF TURKEY

DO NOT BE A PARTY TO CRIMES IN TURKISH HIGHER EDUCATION

Background

In January 2016, 2,212 academics working in or researching on Turkey signed a declaration calling on the Turkish government to end the war in the Kurdish region, seek a peaceful resolution of the decades-long Kurdish question, and allow international observers to monitor the situation in Kurdish towns and cities destroyed by security forces. Since then, the signatories, who came to be known as Academics for Peace, have been subjected to vindictive and punitive attacks ordered by the president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and implemented through joint effort by the government and the higher education establishment.

The Academics for Peace have been accused of treason for calling on the Turkish government to end violence against its own citizens. Under instructions from the president, the government, the security establishment, the Higher Education Council, and the university rectors have all joined forces to exact “a heavy price” on Academics for Peace. The lynching campaign is still ongoing and has so far led to multiple waves of criminal and administrative investigations, detentions, dismissals, passport revocations and travel bans, denial of pension rights, and exclusion from the labor market through blacklisting of national insurance numbers.

Following the botched coup of July 2016 and the state of emergency in its wake, under the pretext of purging the loyalists of Fethullah Gülen movement—an ex-partner of the AKP regime that had also been complicit in the violations of academic freedoms and standards in Turkey—politically motivated attacks on academia and the whole public service sector in Turkey reached an unprecedented scale.  As of 30 April 2017, academic dismissals reached a staggering level of 5,295. This state of affairs demonstrates that the Turkish higher education system is used by the government and its political allies as a locus of patronage exchange and score settling, disguised under the veil of academic endeavor.

Violations of International Standards on Higher Education

The lynching campaign against Academics for Peace is in serious violation of the international standards of autonomy, academic freedom, and doctrine-free knowledge production in higher education. An evidence-based but by no means exhaustive list of violations includes the following:

  • University Rectors encourage staff and students to spy on and incriminate academics suspected of a critical stance towards the government, particularly the signatories of the Academic for Peace declaration;
  • A young academic, Dr. Mehmet Fatih Traş, committed suicide after his contract at Çukurova University was terminated and his job applications to several universities were turned down on the grounds that he was a security risk;
  • Graffiti on academic staff office doors, hate speech, and criminal threats against critical academics have become wide-spread practices used and tolerated on- and off-campus;
  • Students supporting dismissed lecturers are persecuted and dismissed;
  • The Higher Education Council (YÖK) and the University Rectors work with, and upon instructions from, the National Intelligence Agency and the police to draw up lists of academics to be dismissed;
  • Lists of dismissals are approved by the government and the President; and implemented via state of emergency decrees without the right for appeal;
  • The government-controlled publisher of academic journals (the National Academic Network and Information Centre – ULAKBIM) has instructed journal editors to remove Academics for Peace signatories from editorial and reviewer boards;
  • Conference organizers are excluding dismissed Academics for Peace signatories from conferences, seminars, and workshops under threats from and/or in collaboration with the government and higher education bodies;
  • The government-controlled Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TÜBİTAK) has: (a) terminated existing grants to and rejected funding applications by Academics for Peace; (b) terminated the scholarships to PhD students who signed the Academics for Peace declaration while researching in universities outside Turkey; (c) forced funded PhD students to submit statements on their research with a view to ensure that their research does not harm national interests; (d) forced Academics for Peace signatories to withdraw their names from published or under-review work that it had funded in the past; and (e) stopped printing books on the theory of evolution and has increased support for shady “research” projects that champion creationism.

Targeted Academic Boycott

Therefore, we call on all institutions of higher education, funding councils, academic and professional associations, and individual faculty members to boycott the Turkish higher education system. The aim of the academic boycott is ensuring that all dismissals are revoked and the persecution of academics, exacerbated under the state of emergency regime, is ended. The boycott is targeted against complicit universities and higher education institutions as follows:

  1. Declare a moratorium on ALL future collaborations with the Higher Education Council (YÖK) and the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TÜBİTAK), who violated the right to academic freedom and betrayed the international norms of higher education;
  1. Declare a moratorium on ALL future collaborations with rectors of the complicit universities, who not only violated the right to academic freedom and betrayed the international norms of higher education, but also acted like an extended arm of the intelligence agencies in their universities;
  1. Suspend the membership of all YÖK and TÜBİTAK officials and of all complicit university rectors in professional, business, and educational associations;
  1. Declare a moratorium on ALL future research collaborations with ANY complicit university (list at: link);
  1. Declare a moratorium on ATTENDING ANY future academic or professional conference/workshop/seminar sponsored and/or co-organized by or held at YÖK, TÜBİTAK, or any of the complicit universities in Turkey and elsewhere;
  1. Declare a moratorium on HOLDING or ORGANIZING ANY future academic or professional conference/workshop/seminar at any of the complicit universities in Turkey.

This targeted boycott call excludes: (a) arrangements/agreements designed to help/facilitate student exchange; and (b) requests from individual academics in Turkey for visiting fellowships or similar engagements with universities outside Turkey.

Academics for Peace – UK

Academics for Peace – France

Academics for Peace – Germany

KADEMELİ AKADEMİK BOYKOT ÇAĞRISI

Türkiye Üniversitelerindeki Suçlara Ortak Olmayın

Arka Plan

2016 yılının Ocak ayında, Türkiye’de çalışan ya da Türkiye üzerine araştırma yapan 2212 akademisyen, Türk hükümetine yönelik olarak, Kürt bölgesindeki savaşı sonlandırma, on yıllardır devam eden Kürt sorununa barışçıl bir çözüm bulma ve uluslararası gözlemcilerin, güvenlik güçleri tarafından yıkıma uğratılan Kürt kasaba ve şehirlerindeki durumu izlemesine izin verme çağrısını içeren bir bildiriyi imzaladılar. Bu tarihten itibaren, Barış için Akademisyenler adıyla bilinen imzacılar, Cumhurbaşkanı Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’ın emirleri doğrultusunda hükümet ve Yükseköğretim Kurulu tarafından uygulamaya konulan intikamcı bir cezalandırma kampanyasının hedefi haline gelmiş bulunuyorlar.

Barış İçin Akademisyenler, Türk hükümetini kendi yurttaşlarına uygulamakta olduğu şiddete son vermeye çağırdıkları için ihanetle suçlanıyorlar. Cumhurbaşkanının talimatıyla, hükümet, güvenlik güçleri, Yükseköğretim Kurulu ve üniversite rektörleri, Barış için Akademisyenler’e “ağır bir bedel” ödetmek üzere güçlerini birleştirdiler. Linç kampanyası, çeşitli cezai ve idari soruşturmalar, gözaltılar, pasaport iptalleri ve seyahat yasakları, emeklilik hakkının ihlali ve emek piyasasından sosyal güvenlik numaralarının kara listeye alınması yoluyla dışlanma gibi pek çok biçimde devam ediyor.

Temmuz 2016 darbe girişimi ve takip eden olağanüstü hal döneminde, AKP rejiminin, daha önce akademik özgürlükleri ve standartları çiğnemek konusunda suç ortaklığı yaptığı eski ortağı Fethullah Gülen hareketini tasfiye etme gerekçesi altında, akademiye ve kamu sektörünün tamamına yönelen siyasal motivasyonlu saldırıları, benzeri görülmemiş bir düzeye ulaşmış bulunuyor. 30 Nisan 2017 itibariyle, akademide işten atılmaların sayısı 5295’e yükseldi. Bu durum, Türkiye’de yükseköğretim sisteminin hükümet ve onun siyasi müttefikleri tarafından bir kayırmacılık ve hesaplaşma alanı olarak kullanıldığını göstermektedir.

Yüksek Öğrenimde Uluslararası Standartların İhlali

Barış İçin Akademisyenler’e yönelik linç kampanyası, özerklik, akademik özgürlük ve doktriner olmayan bilgi üretimi gibi yükseköğretimin belli başlı uluslararası standartlarını ihlal etmektedir. Kanıtlarla saptanmış ihlallerden bazıları şunlardır:

  • Rektörler, üniversite personelini ve öğrencileri hükümet karşıtı olduklarından şüphelenilen akademisyenlere, özellikle de Barış için Akademisyenler’e karşı muhbirlik yapmak üzere teşvik etmektedir;
  • Genç bir akademisyen, Dr. Mehmet Fatih Traş, Çukurova Üniversitesi’ndeki sözleşmesi sonlandırıldıktan ve çeşitli üniversitelere yaptığı iş başvuruları güvenlik riski oluşturduğu gerekçesiyle reddedildikten sonra intihar etmiştir;
  • Akademisyenlerin ofislerinin kapılarına nefret söylemi ve suç unsuru içeren tehditleri içeren yazılama yapmak, kampüslerde ve kampüs dışında göz yumulan yaygın bir pratiğe dönüşmüştür;
  • İhraç edilen akademisyenleri destekleyen öğrenciler baskılara maruz kalmış ve ihraç edilmişlerdir;
  • Yüksek Öğretim Kurumu ve rektörler, Milli İstihbarat Teşkilatı ve polisle işbirliği içinde, hatta onların talimatları doğrultusunda ihraç edilecek akademisyenleri belirlemişlerdir;
  • İhraç edilecek akademisyenlerin listesi hükümet ve Cumhurbaşkanı tarafından onaylanmakta, itiraz yolu kapalı olan Kanun Hükmünde Kararnameler uyarınca ihraçlar uygulamaya konmaktadır;
  • Hükümet kontrolü altındaki akademik süreli yayınlar merkezi (ULAKBİM), dergi editörlerine yayın ve değerlendirme kurullarından Barış için Akademisyenler’in çıkarılması emrini vermiştir;
  • Konferans organizatörleri, hükümet ve yükseköğrenim kurumlarıyla işbirliği içerisinde ya da onlar tarafından tehdit edilmek yoluyla, Barış için Akademisyenler’i konferanslardan, seminerlerden ve çalıştaylardan dışlamaktadırlar;
  • Hükümet kontrolündeki Türkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Araştırma Kurumu (TÜBİTAK) (a) Barış İçin Akademisyenler’in almakta oldukları mali destekleri sonlandırmış olup bu kişilerden gelen başvuruları da reddetmektedir; (b) Barış İçin Akademisyenler bildirisini imzalayan ve yurtdışındaki üniversitelerde araştırmalarını sürdüren doktora öğrencilerinin burslarını kesmiştir, (c) burslu doktora öğrencilerini, araştırmalarının ulusal çıkarlara zarar vermeyeceği yönünde ifadeler imzalamaya zorlamıştır, (d) Barış İçin Akademisyenler’in adlarının TÜBİTAK destekli yayınlardan ya da hakem sürecinde olan yayınlardan çekilmesini sağlamıştır ve (e) evrim teorisi üzerine kitap yayınlarını durdurarak yaradılış tezini empoze eden şüpheli “araştırma” projelerine desteğini artırmıştır.

Hedef Gözeten Akademik Boykot

Bu nedenlerle, bütün yükseköğretim ve mali destek kurumlarını, akademik ve profesyonel dernekleri ve akademisyen bireyleri Türkiye yükseköğretim sistemini boykota çağırıyoruz. Akademik boykotun amacı, ihraç edilenlerin işlerine geri döndürülmesi ve olağanüstü hal rejimi altında gittikçe şiddetini artıran akademisyenlere yönelik baskıların sonlandırılmasıdır. Boykot, aşağıdaki yöntemler yoluyla bu baskılara suç ortağı olmuş üniversitelere ve yükseköğretim kurumlarını hedef almaktadır:

  1. Akademik özgürlükleri ve yükseköğretimin uluslararası normlarını ihlal etmekte olan Yükseköğretim Kurulu (YÖK) ve Türkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Araştırma Kurumu (TÜBİTAK) ile BÜTÜN işbirliklerinin askıya alınması;
  2. Sadece akademik özgürlükleri ve yüksek öğretimin uluslararası normlarını ihlal etmekle kalmayıp, aynı zamanda istihbarat kurumlarının üniversitelerdeki uzantısı olarak suç ortaklığı yapmış olan üniversitelerin rektörleri ile BÜTÜN işbirliklerinin askıya alınması;
  3. BÜTÜN YÖK ve TÜBİTAK çalışanlarının ve suç ortağı üniversitelerin rektörlerinin (liste için tıklayınız) profesyonel, ticari ve eğitimle ilgili kuruluşlardaki üyeliklerinin askıya alınması;
  4. Suç ortağı üniversitelerle  ile yapılacak BÜTÜN araştırma işbirliklerinin askıya alınması (liste için tıklayınız);
  5. YÖK, TÜBİTAK veya suç ortağı herhangi bir üniversite tarafından Türkiye içinde ve dışında düzenlenecek ve/veya desteklenecek olan BÜTÜN akademik ve profesyonel konferans, çalıştay ve seminerlere katılımın askıya alınması;
  6. Suç ortağı herhangi bir üniversite ile işbirliği içinde gerçekleştirilecek ya da düzenlenecek olan BÜTÜN akademik ve profesyonel konferans, çalıştay ve seminerlerin askıya alınması.

Hedefe yönelik bu boykot şunları kapsamaz: (a) öğrenci değişimi hakkında düzenleme ve anlaşmalar; ve (b) Türkiye’deki akademisyenlerin ziyaretçi araştırmacı ya da benzer pozisyonlar için yurtdışındaki üniversitelere yaptıkları bireysel başvurular.

Barış İçin Akademisyenler – İngiltere

Barış İçin Akademisyenler – Fransa

Barış İçin Akademisyenler – Almanya 

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412