The Myth of Middle East Reporting

[Anthony Shadid at a meeting of the National Press Club in 2007. Image by Terissa Schor. From Wikimedia Commons.] [Anthony Shadid at a meeting of the National Press Club in 2007. Image by Terissa Schor. From Wikimedia Commons.]

The Myth of Middle East Reporting

By : Salah Al-Nasrawi

The tragic death of Anthony Shadid and Marie Colvin, two celebrated American reporters in chaotic Syria last month, has generated due tributes from colleagues and readers who admired their Middle East coverage over more than two decades.

Shadid, a New York Times reporter, who died of an apparent asthma attack, and Colvin of the Sunday Times, who was killed in shelling in Homs, were also praised for their sense of duty to go on secret assignments, braving Bashar Al-Assad`s dictatorship and defying restrictions his regime imposed on covering the Syrian uprising.

Few other Western journalists also risked their lives by sneaking into the war-torn nation to get the news out, but luckily survived the bloodletting, thanks to Syrian volunteers, who protected them and smuggled them out to neighboring countries.

While the tributes were duly shared, the appraisals have struck a chord with some of their colleagues, who believe the narrative of their daring experiences at  these frontline hellholes have been superimposed on the narratives of the Syrian tragedy itself.

For example, Robert Fisk, a veteran Middle East correspondent for the British newspaper The Independent, noted that the tributes have made the "war" correspondents, as Western media called them with all the romanticism associated with that term, "more important than the people about whom they report."

Fisk also observed a double standard by Western news organizations for lacking similar enthusiasm in getting their reporters into Gaza - as they did to get into Homs - during Israel`s war on the Strip in 2008, leaving Palestinian reporters to cover their own people`s suffering.

"There`s something faintly colonialist about all this," he wrote.

Whether the appraisals are blown-out-of-proportion tales of heroism, or are a duly deserved honor to those few Western journalists who have risked, or lost, their lives to try to tell the world what was happening in Syria, the publicity surrounded the fatal experience of the dauntless reporters has unintentionally thrown light on one key aspect of Middle East reporting which has long been kept in the dark.

I am referring here to the case of the numerous Arab journalists at Western media who, like their Western colleagues, have been covering stories in one of the most complex and dangerous places in the world, but nevertheless remain unrecognized, unappreciated, while their sacrifices pass unnoticed.

I am not talking here of Western journalists of Arab descent, but about Arab journalists working at mainstream Western news organization in the Arab world. This distinction is necessary to underscore background culture, education, training and most importantly citizenship status which explains advantages, such as the level of protection journalists can have in a hostile environment.  

I am quite sure that this is a touchy terrain and many in the profession and outside, having drunk deeply of the notion of Western media impartiality, objectivity and accuracy, would prefer to gloss over this grim reality and avoid bringing it up in discussion. This is in spite of the fact that the level of representation and participation of local non-Western journalists at foreign media organizations has been a public, and on occasion an academic subject of debate in many parts of the world.

Indeed, in an area which has often been subject to misrepresentation, or even bias, in scholarship and reporting, the status of Arab writers at the Western media remains one of the core issues of Middle East reporting, and consequently its politics, which seems to underline the ideas of Edward Said and Michael Foucault`s on the correlations between knowledge and power.

After a career of nearly forty years in journalism, including assignments and newsroom work for some 30 years with Western news organizations, I can say with a clear conscience that there is nothing to compare with the knowledge and courage of some Arab journalists who work with foreign media and whose input to the Middle East coverage has been invaluable.

Yet, these journalists have remained "unknown soldiers" in the raging battle for truth and accuracy, in a crude manifestation of denial and prejudice. Those who are familiar with what I am talking about know pretty well that this is a phenomenon which speaks volumes about the kind of reporting the Middle East receives in the Western media.

It tells us how humble have been all these locally hired reporters who face tremendous challenges and difficulties, brave wars, threats and intimidation by brutal Middle East dictatorships and their security apparatus, in order to tell the story of their own societies to the whole world with the in-depth knowledge they possess.

Such courage I have seen year after year in many Arab countries in reporters who are shinning symbols of true commitment and strength. The courage that dares without recognition and without the protection of any kind, is a courage that humbles and inspires and reaffirms one`s faith in the profession.

These local reporters have been the backbone of foreign media operations in the Middle East for decades. Their devotion, talent, knowledge and journalistic "meta" skills have been indispensable for both regional bureaus and newsrooms at the organizations` headquarters.

Through their commitment, endurance, context building ability, perceptives, analysis and the major stories they have been able to break, these local reporters have managed to give true meanings to events unfolding in the Middle East and even help to reshape the world`s awareness of the region in a way not influenced or framed by foreign agendas or Western strategies.

Yet again, they remain vulnerable, if not discriminated against, in terms of professional descriptions, job opportunities and salary levels. There is a tendency to consider local reporters as mainly interlocutors, stringers, fixers, translators and gatherers of information to help their Western "bosses" in their jobs and not as equal partners.

In fact, the most worrying aspect of the dilemma of these Arab reporters today is their inability to express freely their versions of reality and opinions, whether through editorial interference, manipulation or omission, especially on critical topics such as the Arab Israeli conflict, Islam and now the Arab uprisings.

Under the notion of teamwork, or even the deplorable and racist pretext of markets` demand for "Western" names on the story, local reporters have in recent years been increasingly forced to share bylines with their Western colleagues, a practice that denies them writing freedom and independent editorial identity and turns them into ghost writers.

This policy, which has been resisted by many veteran local journalists, has led some news organizations to hire non-professional or untrained persons, and in some cases office-boys or chauffeurs, to work as reporters in a clear manifestation of power and subordination through control and hegemony.

Under these circumstances local reporters who refuse to be taken for granted are unfortunately in no position to make this press system a pluralistic one, in which they can provide critical alternatives and diversified voices to the Western audience.

In his article "Critique of Reporting on the Middle East", in Jadaliyya, (an independent web based journal) American journalist Nir Rosen has rightly diagnosed the predicament of faltering objectivity and neutrality in covering the Middle by the Western media as "fundamental problems at the epistemological and methodological level."

Nothing could illustrate this failure than keeping Arab journalists, with their vast knowledge and experience, from news production and reporting positions at mainstream Western media outlets and depriving them of their right to explain to the world their own countries, societies and people.

It would be irresponsible to dismiss, or belittle the great talent and contribution of some distinguished Western writers and Middle East correspondents who have helped shape the image of the region for decades.

But if it is true that fluency in Arabic, anthropological research, communication skills, connections with people in power and zeal have been the essential assets for Middle East reporting, then Arab reporters are in possession of even greater assets with their roots in the region.

One key to have a balanced Middle East reporting is to allow the voice of the region be heard by people in the West, and no persons are more suited for such a critical engagement than native journalists at Western media.

Thanks to massive changes in the media environment and its technologies, Arab journalists and writers have now an option to break that cycle of monopoly and pretension of neutrality in news making and make their voices heard without filtering.

Indeed, a quick look into the Facebook, Twitter, Youtube and websites of national media outlets will show us that most of the important and effective news and analyses are now being made through the internet and what foreign media are doing is just recycling.

[Developed in partnership with Ahram Online.]

American Elections Watch 1: Rick Santorum and The Dangers of Theocracy

One day after returning to the United States after a trip to Lebanon, I watched the latest Republican Presidential Primary Debate. Unsurprisingly, Iran loomed large in questions related to foreign policy. One by one (with the exception of Ron Paul) the candidates repeated President Obama`s demand that Iran not block access to the Strait of Hormuz and allow the shipping of oil across this strategic waterway. Watching them, I was reminded of Israel`s demand that Lebanon not exploit its own water resources in 2001-2002. Israel`s position was basically that Lebanon`s sovereign decisions over the management of Lebanese water resources was a cause for war. In an area where water is increasingly the most valuable resource, Israel could not risk the possibility that its water rich neighbor might disrupt Israel`s ability to access Lebanese water resources through acts of occupation, underground piping, or unmitigated (because the Lebanese government has been negligent in exploiting its own water resources) river flow. In 2012, the United States has adopted a similar attitude towards Iran, even though the legal question of sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz is much more complicated and involves international maritime law in addition to Omani and Iranian claims of sovereignty. But still, US posturing towards Iran is reminiscent of Israeli posturing towards Lebanon. It goes something like this: while the US retains the right to impose sanctions on Iran and continuously threaten war over its alleged pursuit of a nuclear weapon, Iran should not dare to assume that it can demand the removal of US warships from its shores and, more importantly, should not dream of retaliating in any way to punitive sanctions imposed on it. One can almost hear Team America`s animated crew breaking into song . . . “America . . . Fuck Yeah!”

During the debate in New Hampshire, Rick Santorum offered a concise answer as to why a nuclear Iran would not be tolerated and why the United States-the only state in the world that has actually used nuclear weapons, as it did when it dropped them on the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki- should go to war over this issue. Comparing Iran to other nuclear countries that the United States has learned to “tolerate” and “live with” such as Pakistan and North Korea, Santorum offered this succinct nugget of wisdom: Iran is a theocracy. Coming from a man who has stated that Intelligent Design should be taught in schools, that President Obama is a secular fanatic, that the United States is witnessing a war on religion, and that God designed men and women in order to reproduce and thus marriage should be only procreative (and thus heterosexual and “fertile”), Santorum`s conflation of “theocracy” with “irrationality” seemed odd. But of course, that is not what he was saying. When Santorum said that Iran was a theocracy what he meant is that Iran is an Islamic theocracy, and thus its leaders are irrational, violent, and apparently (In Santorum`s eyes) martyrdom junkies. Because Iran is an Islamic theocracy, it cannot be “trusted” by the United States to have nuclear weapons. Apparently, settler colonial states such as Israel (whose claim to “liberal “secularism” is tenuous at best), totalitarian states such as North Korea, or unstable states such as Pakistan (which the United States regularly bombs via drones and that is currently falling apart because, as Santorum stated, it does not know how to behave without a “strong” America) do not cause the same radioactive anxiety. In Santorum`s opinion, a nuclear Iran would not view the cold war logic of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) as a deterrent. Instead, the nation of Iran would rush to die under American or Israeli nuclear bombs because martyrdom is a religious (not national, Santorum was quick to state, perhaps realizing that martyrdom for nation is an ideal woven into the tapestry of American ideology) imperative. Santorum`s views on Iran can be seen one hour and two minutes into the debate.

When it comes to Islam, religion is scary, violent and irrational, says the American Presidential candidate who is largely running on his “faith based” convictions. This contradiction is not surprising, given that in the United States fundamentalist Christians regularly and without irony cite the danger that American muslims pose-fifth column style- to American secularism. After all, recently Christian fundamentalist groups succeeded in pressuring advertisers to abandon a reality show that (tediously) chronicled the lives of “American Muslims” living in Detroit. The great sin committed by these American Muslims was that they were too damn normal. Instead of plotting to inject sharia law into the United States Constitution, they were busy shopping at mid-western malls. Instead of marrying four women at a time and vacationing at Al-Qaeda training camps in (nuclear, but not troublingly so) Pakistan, these “American Muslims” were eating (halal) hotdogs and worrying about the mortgages on their homes and the rising costs of college tuition. Fundamentalist Christians watched this boring consumer driven normalcy with horror and deduced that it must be a plot to make Islam appear compatible with American secularism. The real aim of the show, these Christian fundamentalists (who Rick Santorum banks on for political and financial support) reasoned, was to make Islam appear “normal” and a viable religious option for American citizens. Thus the reality show “All American Muslim” was revealed to be a sinister attempt at Islamic proselytizing. This in a country where Christian proselytizing is almost unavoidable. From television to subways to doorbell rings to presidential debates to busses to street corners and dinner tables-there is always someone in America who wants to share the “good news” with a stranger. Faced with such a blatant, and common, double standard, we should continue to ask “If Muslim proselytizers threaten our secular paradise, why do Christian proselytizers not threaten our secular paradise?”

As the United States Presidential Elections kick into gear, we can expect the Middle East to take pride of place in questions pertaining to foreign policy. Already, Newt Gingrich who, if you forgot, has a PhD in history, has decided for all of us, once and for all, that the Palestinians alone in this world of nations are an invented people. Palestinians are not only a fraudulent people, Gingrich has taught us, they are terrorists as well. Candidates stumble over each other in a race to come up with more creative ways to pledge America`s undying support for Israel. Iran is the big baddie with much too much facial hair and weird hats. America is held hostage to Muslim and Arab oil, and must become “energy efficient” in order to free itself from the unsavory political relationships that come with such dependancy. Candidates will continue to argue over whether or not President Obama should have or should not have withdrawn US troops from Iraq, but no one will bring up the reality that the US occupation of Iraq is anything but over. But despite the interest that the Middle East will invite in the coming election cycle, there are a few questions that we can confidently assume will not be asked or addressed. Here are a few predictions. We welcome additional questions from readers.

Question: What is the difference between Christian Fundamentalism and Muslim Fundamentalism? Which is the greater “threat” to American secularism, and why?

Question: The United States` strongest Arab ally is Saudi Arabia, an Islamic theocracy and authoritarian monarchy which (falsely) cites Islamic law to prohibit women from driving cars, voting, but has recently (yay!) allowed women to sell underwear to other women. In addition, Saudi Arabia has been fanning the flames of sectarianism across the region, is the main center of financial and moral support for Al-Qaeda and is studying ways to “obtain” (the Saudi way, just buy it) a nuclear weapon-all as part and parcel of a not so cold war with Iran. Given these facts, how do you respond to critics that doubt the United States` stated goals of promoting democracy, human rights, women`s rights, and “moderate” (whatever that is) Islam?

Question: Israel has nuclear weapons and has threatened to use them in the past. True or false?

Question: How are Rick Santorum`s views on homosexuality (or the Christian right`s views more generally) different than President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad`s or King Abdullah`s? Can you help us tease out the differences when all three have said that as long as homosexuals do not engage in homosexual sex, it`s all good?

Question: Is the special relationship between the United States and Israel more special because they are both settler colonies, or is something else going on?