New Texts Out Now: Gilbert Achcar, Eichmann in Cairo: The Eichmann Affair in Nasser's Egypt

[Cover of Arab Studies Journal Vol. XX No. 1 (Spring 2012)] [Cover of Arab Studies Journal Vol. XX No. 1 (Spring 2012)]

New Texts Out Now: Gilbert Achcar, Eichmann in Cairo: The Eichmann Affair in Nasser's Egypt

By : Gilbert Achcar جلبير الأشقر

Gilbert Achcar, “Eichmann in Cairo: The Eichmann Affair in Nasser`s Egypt.Arab Studies Journal Vol. XX No. 1 (Spring 2012).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this article?

Gilbert Achcar (GA): The story of this article resembles that of my book The Arabs and the Holocaust, of which it can be seen as a sequel. In both cases, the initial impulse of writing was not the evolution of my ongoing research, but a fortuitous circumstance. The prelude to the book was a request made to me a few years ago to write a chapter on the Arab reception of the Holocaust for a multivolume work in Italian. This monumental history of the Nazi genocide of the Jews included a volume on its reception in various parts of the world, to which I was invited to contribute. Readers of the chapter, and later on publishers as well, encouraged me to turn it into a book, which ended up being a thick volume.

If I accepted the idea of carrying on this research, although it took me out of my way, it is because during my work on the chapter, I realized how massive the scale of the distortion of the historical record, and how harmful the misperception of the Arabs’ attitudes that this distortion fostered, are. This is true not only in the West, but also among the Arabs themselves, who, like most postcolonial peoples, are very sensitive to the image reflected back to them by Western mirrors. The vast range of responses to my book, whether positive or negative, proved how necessary and long overdue was the task I set myself. However, my book did not, and could not, exhaust this task, to be sure. It is the most comprehensive contribution to this task to date and settles factually quite a few debates, but it must certainly be complemented, as the “Arab-Israeli war of narratives” is still raging, and will continue for a long time to come.

This led to the second circumstance that prompted me to write the article: because of the book, I was invited to contribute a paper on the Arab reception of the Eichmann trial—the famous trial of the Nazi leader abducted from Argentina by an Israeli commando in 1960, then tried in Israel, and finally executed in 1962. This was for a symposium held in Berlin in May 2011 on the occasion of the trial’s fiftieth anniversary, jointly organized by the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum and the German Foundation Topography of Terror. After the symposium, I developed the paper into the long article that we are discussing.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does it address?

GA: A choice had to be made in order to deal with the issue of the Arab reception of the trial—or to put it more accurately: the Arab receptions, in the plural, since, as I explained at length in my book, the depiction of the Arabs as a monolithic crowd with a single discourse is but a blatant manifestation of the essentialization that lies at the heart of Orientalism in the Saidian sense.

I could not in one single paper describe the range of attitudes that were reflected in the vast constellation of Arab media—nor was I interested in doing so anyway, as it would not be a useful endeavor, in my view. I chose to focus instead on the most powerful Arab ideological current at the time of the trial, which was Nasserism, of course. In the early 1960s, Nasser’s Egypt was setting the tone for the majority of Arabs with regard to Arab national causes, including Palestine. Al-Ahram, Egypt’s and the Arab region’s most important daily newspaper at the time, was seen as the political, ideological, and intellectual mouthpiece of Nasser’s regime. It was indeed not only the foremost reflection of the regime’s political views and attitudes, but also the main producer of these views and attitudes—after the speeches and statements by Nasser himself, needless to say. People wanting to know the position of Nasser’s Egypt on any public issue would read Al-Ahram during those years. My article is therefore a close study of the way Al-Ahram dealt with the Eichmann affair during the years 1960-62, as well as a study of all expressions of opinion on Nazism, Zionism, or the Jews that were published in the daily during the same period.

J: How does this work connect to and/or depart from your previous research and writing?

GA: My archival research on those two years of Al-Ahram illustrated and confirmed remarkably well the assessment of the Nasserist attitude on the Holocaust and related issues that I developed in one chapter of my book. Undertaking this research was very useful and instructive, as it showed how far the real attitude of the leading Arab nationalist regime was from the hostile caricatures depicting Nasserism as akin to Nazism.

The early 1960s were years of left radicalization of the Nasserist regime, with an influx of Marxists in its political institutions, including Al-Ahram’s editorial team. At the same time, the newspaper reflected the heterogeneity of Nasserism, in that it encompassed a variety of ideological sensitivities. A major ethical-political complexity resulted from the fact that the state that was responsible for the 1948 uprooting of the Palestinian people, and that had been a major participant in the 1956 colonial Suez War on Egypt, was a state inhabited by a large proportion of people who had fled to Palestine seeking refuge from Nazism, or who had come to the country as Holocaust survivors. So this problem is a very efficient touchstone for the evaluation of Arab political currents and their ability to make a clear and true distinction between struggle against Zionism and hatred of the Jews.

J: Who do you hope will read this article, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

GA: The range of potential readers of this article is quite broad. Anyone interested in Nasserism, the history of Egypt and the Arab region in the 1960s, the Arab-Israeli conflict in general, the Palestinian cause, as well as anti-Semitism and Holocaust denial, will find food for thought in this study of the way Al-Ahram covered these topics during those dramatic years. Al-Ahram’s comments on the trial are also of interest for the study of the trial itself.

J: What other projects are you working on now?

GA: I am currently writing a book on the roots and dynamics of the ongoing Arab uprising. It will come out in March 2013, jointly published by University of California Press in the USA and Saqi Books in the UK. After that, I will write a long essay on Marxism and Orientalism for a collection of my own essays on related themes that will also come out next year—hopefully.

Excerpt from Eichmann in Cairo: The Eichmann Affair in Nasser`s Egypt

On 12 April, al-Ahram’s report on the first day of the trial started briefly on the front page and continued on the inside pages. It was based on a UPI dispatch and gave a detailed account of Servatius’s arguments disputing the legality of the trial. Much more important was Lutfi al-Khuli’s column on Eichmann in the newspaper’s opinion page (safhat al-ra’y) on the same day.[1] The author was not just an occasional contributor to that page but actually one of its editors. Lutfi al-Khuli was one of Egypt’s most renowned Marxists at the time, a writer known throughout the Arab world. His story must be briefly told here as he played a major role in al-Ahram from that point onward. It is an excellent illustration and indicator of the political-ideological evolution of Nasserism, with the sharp left-wing radicalization it went through from the early 1960s until its defeat at the hands of Israel in 1967.[2]

A lawyer by training and initial profession, Khuli had been an active member of the Egyptian Communist movement and as a result arrested and jailed several times. He left the Communist Party (the Hadeto wing) in 1955 due to his disagreement with its ultra-left denunciation of Nasser and the Non-Aligned Movement. He then organized a group of independent Marxist intellectuals, including former Communists and Trotskyists. Despite his resignation from Hadeto, which he did not make public, he was among the vast number of Communists arrested in 1959 at the peak of the confrontation between Nasser and the Communist movement. Khuli was eventually released at the end of 1960. Heikal knew him well and recognized that he was an independent Marxist, supportive of the left-wing radicalization of the regime. He convinced Nasser to let him recruit Khuli to al-Ahram, along with other Marxist members of his group. In early 1961, Khuli was put in charge of the opinion page; other members of his group (including Michel Kamil) also joined the editorial board.[3]

The title of Lutfi al-Khuli’s column was “Eichmann between Nazism and Zionism.” Published on the first day of the trial, the article noted, “Zionist propaganda is deliberately portraying our condemnation of the law-of-the-jungle method that Israel used in his abduction as a defense of Eichmann.” The article refuted these claims in the traditional logic of Arab Marxist anti-Zionism, including the emphasis on common traits between Zionism and Nazism, thus condemning them both.[4] The Arab peoples, it explained, were waging a revolutionary fight against colonialism and racism, and had never oppressed non-Zionist Jews. It went on to argue that Arabs made a clear distinction between Jews and Zionists. Thus, in Cairo’s al-Azhar district, one could find shops that are run by Jews along with shops run by Christians and Muslims. As anti-colonial and anti-racist revolutionaries:

it is not possible for us to defend Eichmann and Nazism for their hostile and racist attitude toward the Jews, as Israel’s propaganda pretends. Our natural stance is rather to oppose all that Eichmann and Nazism represent in anti-humanist conceptions and tendencies. And it is also natural that we oppose at the same time and by the same logic Ben-Gurion and world Zionism as a movement and aggressive entity.[5]

Nazism and Zionism were both seen as based on aggression and racism. “Eichmann the Nazi is responsible for the murder of millions of Jews in Europe, whereas Ben-Gurion the Zionist is responsible for the murder of thousands of Arabs, Muslims, and Christians, and the displacement of one million of them.” Khuli argued that this difference in scale did not matter as one could not be more than one hundred percent a murderer, as per a purported statement of Arnold Toynbee in a public debate with Israel’s ambassador to Canada. Khuli concluded:

That a murderer should try another murderer, and Zionism prosecute Nazism, looks more like an ironic caricature than an objective trial. The truth is that Israel fears an objective trial of Eichmann because it would have also uncovered Zionism’s crimes in the wake of Nazism’s. One day, sooner or later, Ben-Gurion or other Zionist leaders will stand in humanity’s accused box to be tried objectively for the crimes that Israel committed not only against Arabs but also against Jews who were misled with the slogan of the national home [at the cost of] their stability, security, and interests in various parts of the world.[6]

Notes
[1] Lutfi al-Khuli, “Aykhman, bayn al-naziyya wa’l-sihyuniyya,” al-Ahram, 12 April 1961.
[2] Lutfi al-Khuli’s political and intellectual trajectory is described and assessed in detail in Rami Ginat, Egypt’s Incomplete Revolution: Lutfi al-Khuli and Nasser’s Socialism in the 1960s (London: Frank Cass, 1997), which includes a biographical sketch (49-68).
[3] Ginat, Egypt’s Incomplete Revolution, 51-55.
[4] On Arab Marxist anti-Zionist arguments, see Gilbert Achcar, The Arabs and the Holocaust: The Arab-Israeli War of Narratives (New York: Metropolitan, 2010), 51-63.
[5] Al-Ahram, 12 April 1961.
[6] Ibid.

[Excerpted from Eichmann in Cairo: The Eichmann Affair in Nasser`s Egypt” by Gilbert Achcar, by permission of the author; published in Arab Studies Journal Vol. XX No. 1 (Spring 2012). For more information on this issue of the journal, or to subscribe to Arab Studies Journal, please click here.]

New Texts Out Now: Betty S. Anderson, The American University of Beirut: Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education

Betty S. Anderson, The American University of Beirut: Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2011.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Betty S. Anderson (BSA): I always joke that I conceived the project in the pool of the Carlton Hotel in Beirut. In June 2000, I visited Beirut for the first time so I could attend an Arab American University Graduate (AAUG) conference. One day, I walked with some friends all along the Corniche and up through the American University of Beirut (AUB) campus and then back to the hotel. Since it was late June and ridiculously hot, the only option at that point was to jump in the pool as quickly as possible. Two minutes in the pool and the thought occurred to me that my next research project was going to have to be about Beirut in some way. I had fallen in love with the city in just that one day. A half second later, I thought, I should write a history of AUB.

Besides the fact that I wanted to get back to Beirut as soon as possible, I wanted to know why AUB had been so influential in politicizing its students. At the time, I was doing additional research for my book on Jordan (Nationalist Voices in Jordan: The Street and the State) and a number of the political activists I studied had attended AUB. Their memoirs were filled with explanations and stories about how important those four years were for the development of their political identities. However, I had no idea as I floated in the pool that day that I’d have to do extensive research on Protestant missionaries and education long before I could even get to those Arab nationalists. At the time, I really knew relatively little about the school’s history.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does it address?

BSA: When I finally got back to Beirut in 2004, it was research on the educational systems offered at the Syrian Protestant College and AUB that eventually ended up directing my thesis. I was struck initially by the goals the American founders and their successors set for the school. They talked more about the transformative process they wanted the students to undertake than the course options they were offering. For example, Daniel Bliss (1866-1902) preached about producing Protestants who understood not only the liturgy but the lifestyle required of one converting to this faith; Bayard Dodge (1923-1948) exhorted students to follow the model of the modern American man as they sought to develop new characters for themselves. The former presided over a missionary educational system, the latter the new liberal education system then being formulated back in America. The first half of the book discusses this shift as the American University of Beirut was renamed in 1920.

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[Main gate of AUB campus. Photo by Betty S. Anderson.]

Liberal education, as American educators developed it in the second half of the nineteenth century, asks its students to be active participants in their educational experience. Before this point, professors taught their students a fixed body of knowledge; students were required to memorize and recite the data to prove that they had learned it. In liberal education, the system asks that professors teach students how to think and analyze so they can produce data on their own.

The second half of the book examines how the students reacted to this shifting pedagogical focus. The American leaders of the school repeatedly stated their goals for the students, and most books and articles on AUB focus on only those voices. However, that stance leaves out an important element of the AUB story, because only the students can truly determine whether the programs are effective. AUB is famous for the many student protests that have taken place on campus, starting with the Darwin Affair of 1882, leading to the Muslim Controversy of 1909, and then on to the large protests of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. As I discovered when I delved into the archives, students used dozens of newspapers to explain why they were protesting. The catalyst was always a particular event, on campus or off, but the students always framed their arguments around the freedom they felt the liberal education system promised. They fought against any administrative attempts to curtail their actions and frequently accused the administration of not following the guidelines set by American liberal education. This issue became increasingly contentious as students worked to define an Arab nationalism that called on them to be politically active while on campus. The administration continually opposed this position, and many of the student-administrative conflicts centered on the differing definitions of freedom put forward on campus. I put “Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education” in the subtitle of the book because by the twentieth century, these were the two dominant elements defining the relationship between the students and the administration.

J: How does this work connect to and/or depart from your previous research and writing?

BSA: Most of my work has centered on education in one form or another. In my book on Jordan, I wrote of the politicizing role high schools in Jordan and Palestine, as well as schools like AUB, played in mobilizing a national opposition movement in the 1950s. I have published a number of articles analyzing the narratives the Jordanian and Lebanese states present to their students in history and Islamic textbooks. Moving on to a comprehensive study of one particularly influential school was a natural progression. The difference was that I now had to study American education in the same way I had previously examined the influence of education in the Middle East.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

BSA: I hope AUB alumni want to read the book and, equally, that they find something of their story in it. I did not want to cite just the Americans who founded and ran the school; I purposely wanted to write about the students themselves. Typical university histories leave out the words and actions of the students in favor of hagiographies about the founders and their famous successors. I also hope that scholars and students interested in studies of education and nationalism will be interested. This is a book that addresses both Middle Eastern and American studies.

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[Assembly Hall and College Hall, AUB Campus. Photos by Betty S. Anderson.]

J: What other projects are you working on now?

BSA:
I have a contract with Stanford University Press to publish a book called State and Society in the Modern Middle East. Like with anyone who undertakes to write a textbook, I am frustrated with those that are currently available. Textbooks of the modern Middle East typically focus just on state formation, the actions of the chief politicians, and the political interplay between states. My text focuses instead on the relationship between state and society as it developed over the last two hundred years. The states in the region centralized in the nineteenth century, faced colonialism in the early twentieth century, and then independence after World War II; these stages created new roles for state leaders. Civil society, in the broadest definition of the term, emerged from the eighteenth century forward as people sought new ways to organize within and against the states now intruding on their lives. They took advantage of the new institutions the states built to establish for themselves new class, national, and gender definitions, while frequently opposing the states that had introduced these very institutions. My text examines how schools, government offices, newspapers, political parties, and women’s groups constantly negotiated new relationships with their respective states.

Excerpt from The American University of Beirut: Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education

From Chapter One:

"The great value of education does not consist in the accepting this and that to be true but it consists in proving this and that to be true," declared Daniel Bliss, founder of Syrian Protestant College (SPC; 1866–1920) and its president from 1866 to 1902, in his farewell address. President Howard Bliss (president, 1902–1920) said in his baccalaureate sermon in 1911, "In a word, the purpose of the College is not to produce singly or chiefly men who are doctors, men who are pharmacists, men who are merchants, men who are preachers, teachers, lawyers, editors, statesmen; but it is the purpose of the College to produce doctors who are men, pharmacists who are men, merchants who are men, preachers, teachers, lawyers, editors, statesmen who are men." Bayard Dodge (1923–1948) stated at his inauguration as president of the newly renamed American University of Beirut (AUB; 1920– ), "We do not attempt to force a student to absorb a definite quantity of knowledge, but we strive to teach him how to study. We do not pretend to give a complete course of instruction in four or five years, but rather to encourage the habit of study, as a foundation for an education as long as life itself." The successors to these men picked up the same themes when they elaborated on the school`s goals over the years; most recently, in May 2009, President Peter Dorman discussed his vision of AUB’s role. "AUB thrives today in much different form than our missionary founders would have envisioned, but nonetheless—after all this time—it remains dedicated to the same ideal of producing enlightened and visionary leaders."

In dozens of publications, SPC and AUB students have also asserted a vision of the transformative role the school should have on their lives. The longest surviving Arab society on campus, al-`Urwa al-Wuthqa, published a magazine of the same name during most academic years between 1923 and 1954 and as of 1936 stated as its editorial policy the belief that "the magazine`s writing is synonymous with the Arab student struggle in the university." From that point forward, the editors frequently listed the society`s Arab nationalist goals. In the fall 1950 edition, for example, al-`Urwa al-Wuthqa`s Committee on Broadcasting and Publications issued a statement identifying the achievement of Arab unity as the most important goal because "it is impossible to separate the history, literature and scientific inheritance of the Arabs" since "the Arab essence is unity." Toward this end, al-`Urwa al-Wuthqa pledged to accelerate the "growth of the true nationalist spirit" among the students affiliated with the organization. In describing education as an activist pursuit, the statement declares, "To achieve political ideas which are aimed at our nationalism it is necessary for we as students to seek information by many different means." In this call, the AUB Arab students must take on the task of studying the Arab heritage as thoroughly and frankly as possible so that when they graduate they can move into society with solutions to the many problems plaguing the Arab world.

Since the school`s founding in 1866, its campus has stood at a vital intersection between a rapidly changing American missionary and educational project to the Middle East and a dynamic quest for Arab national identity and empowerment. As the presidential quotes indicate, the Syrian Protestant College and the American University of Beirut imported American educational systems championing character building as their foremost goal. Proponents of these programs hewed to the belief that American educational systems were the perfect tools for encouraging students to reform themselves and improve their societies; the programs do not merely supply professional skills but educate the whole person. As the quotes from al-`Urwa al-Wuthqa attest, Arab society pressured the students to change as well. The Arab nahda, or awakening, of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries called on students to take pride in their Arab past and to work to recreate themselves as modern leaders of their society; the Arab nationalist movement of the twentieth century asked that students take a lead in fighting for Arab independence from foreign control. The students streaming through the Main Gate year after year used both of these American and Arab elements to help make the school not only an American institution but also one of the Arab world and of Beirut, as the very name, the American University of Beirut, indicates. This process saw long periods of accommodation between the American-led administration and the Arab students, but just as many eras when conflict raged over the nature of authority each should wield on campus; the changing relationship between the administration and the students serves as the cornerstone of this book, for it is here where much of the educational history of SPC and AUB has been written.

From Chapter Five:

The 1952 April Fool’s Day issue of Outlook (called Lookout on that day) satirized the proliferation of student protests that had dominated campus life for the previous few years. In the paper’s lead article, the author declared, “A School of Revolutionary Government, designed to equip AUB students with a wide knowledge of modern techniques of conspiracy and revolution, is to be opened during the fall semester, a communique from the President’s Office announced late Friday.” Continuing the same theme, the article reports, “All courses will include a minimum of three lab hours to be spent in street battles with gendarmes and similar applications of theories learned in classrooms.” President Stephen Penrose (1948-1954), the article stated, gave a Friday morning chapel talk on the new school motto: “That they may have strife and have it more abundantly.” In a further announcement, the paper described the day’s protest.

There will be a demonstration this afternoon at three in front of the Medical Gate to object against everything[.] All those interested please report there promptly five [minutes] before time. The demonstration promises to be very exciting—tear gas will be used, and the slogans are simply delightful. If all goes well, police interference is expected. If not to join, come and watch.

This, of course, had not been the first era of student protest; the difference by the 1950s was the widespread and sustained nature of the conflict between the administration and the students. When Lookout published its satirical articles in 1952, students had been organizing demonstrations in support of Palestinians and Moroccans, and against any and all things imperialist, since 1947; these events only petered out in 1955 as the administration banned the two main groups organizing them, the Student Council and the Arab society, al-cUrwa al-Wuthqa. Students engaged in these exercises explicitly as Arabs, proud of their past, and striving toward cultural, political and economic unity in the future. In their actions, students sought to integrate their educational experiences at AUB with the real-life events taking place outside the Main Gate, for only then did they feel they could be trained to function as the vanguard initiating the necessary changes in their society.

[Excerpted from Betty S. Anderson, The American University of Beirut: Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education. © 2011 by The University of Texas Press. Excerpted by permission of the author. For more information, or to order the book, click here.]