The Exit from the Crisis is Left: Main Points of Greece's Syriza Leftist Coalition

[Symbol of Syriza Coalition. Image from left.gr] [Symbol of Syriza Coalition. Image from left.gr]

The Exit from the Crisis is Left: Main Points of Greece's Syriza Leftist Coalition

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following is the platform put forth by the Greek political coalition Syriza (an abbreviation for Coalition of the Radical Left) on 9 May 2012. The leftist coalition is currently polling at approximately thirty percent and is expected by some analysts to win in the next elections in Greece.]

The Exit from the Crisis is on the Left

1. Creation of a shield to protect society against the crisis

  • Not a single citizen without a guaranteed minimum income or unemployment benefit, medical care, social protection, housing, and access to all services of public utilities.
  • Protection of and relief measures for indebted households.
  • Price controls and price reductions, VAT reduction, and abolition of VAT on basic-need goods.

2. Disposal of the debt burden

The national debt is first and foremost a product of class relations, and is inhumane in its very essence. It is produced by the tax evasion of the wealthy, the looting of public funds, and the exorbitant procurement of military weapons and equipment.

We are asking immediately for:

  • A moratorium on debt servicing.
  • Negotiations for debt cancellation, with provisions for the protection of social insurance funds and small savers. This will be pursued by exploiting any available means, such as audit control and suspension of payments.
  • Regulation of the remaining debt to include provisions for economic development and employment.
  • European regulations on the debt of European states.
  • Radical changes to the European Central Bank`s role.
  • Prohibition of speculative banking products.
  • A pan-European tax on wealth, financial transactions, and profits.

3. Income redistribution, taxation of wealth, and elimination of unnecessary expenses

  • Reorganization and consolidation of tax collection mechanisms.
  • Taxation of fortunes over 1 million euros and large-scale revenues.
  • Gradual increase, up to 45%, of the tax on the distributed profits of corporations (SA).
  • Taxation of financial transactions.
  • Special taxation on consumption of luxury goods.
  • Removal of tax exemptions for ship owners and the Greek Orthodox Church.
  • Lifting of confidentiality for banking and merchant transactions, and pursuit of those who evade taxes and social insurance contributions.
  • Banning of transactions carried out through offshore companies.
  • Pursuit of new financial resources through efficient absorption of European funds, through claims on the payment of German World War II reparations and occupation loan, and finally via steep reductions in military expenses.

4. Productive social and environmental reconstruction

  • Nationalization/socialization of banks, and their integration into a public banking system under social and workers` control, in order to serve developmental purposes. The scandalous recapitalization of the banks must stop immediately.
  • Nationalization of all public enterprises of strategic importance that have been privatized so far. Administration of public enterprises based on transparency, social control, and democratic planning. Support for the provision of Public Goods.
  • Protection and consolidation of co-operatives and SMEs in the social sector.
  • Ecological transformation in development of energy production, manufacturing, tourism, and agriculture. These reforms will prioritize nutritional abundance and fulfillment of social needs.
  • Development of scientific research and productive specialization.

5. Stable employment with decent wages and social insurance

The constant degradation of labour rights, coupled with embarrassing wage levels, does not attract investment, development, or employment.

Instead, we are calling for:

  • Well-paid, well-regulated, and insured employment.
  • Immediate reconstitution of the minimum wage, and reconstitution of real wages within three years.
  • Immediate reconstitution of collective labour agreements.
  • Instigation of powerful control mechanisms that will protect employment.
  • Systematic opposition of lay-offs and the deregulation of labour relations.

6. Deepening Democracy: democratic political and social rights for all

There is a democratic deficit in the country. Greece is gradually being transformed into an authoritarian police state.

We are calling for:

  • The restoration of popular sovereignty and an upgrade of parliamentary power within the political system: 
  • Creation of a proportional electoral system
  • Separation of powers
  • Revocation of ministerial immunity
  • Abolishment of economic privileges for MPs
  • Real decentralization to create local government with sound resources and expanded jurisdiction.
  • The introduction of direct democracy and institutions of self-management under workers` and social control at all levels.
  • Measures against political and economic corruption.
  • The solidification of democratic, political, and trade union rights.
  • The enhancement of women`s and youths` rights in the family, in employment, and in public administration.
  • Immigration reforms: 
  • Speeding up the asylum process
  • Abolition of Dublin II regulations and granting of travel papers to immigrants
  • Social inclusion of immigrants and equal rights protection
  • Democratic reforms to public administration with the active participation of civil servants.
  • The demilitarization and democratization of the Police and the Coast Guard. Disbandment of special forces.

7. Restoration of a strong welfare state

Anti-insurance laws, the shutdown of social services, and the steep fall in social expenditures under the Memorandum have turned Greece into a country where social injustice reigns.

We are in need of:

  • An immediate rescue of the pension system, to include tripartite financing and the gradual consolidation of separate pension fund portfolios into one public, universal system of social insurance.
  • A raise in unemployment benefits until the substitution rate reaches 80% of the wage. No unemployed person is to be left without unemployment benefits.
  • The introduction of a guaranteed minimum income.
  • A unified system of comprehensive social protection covering the vulnerable social strata.

8. Health is a Public Good and a social right

Health care is to be provided for free and will be financed through a Public Health System. Immediate measures include:

  • Support and upgrades for hospitals. Upgrade of health infrastructures of the Social Insurance Institute (IKA). Development of an integrated system of first-level medical care.
  • Covering the needs of medical treatment in both personnel and equipment, in part by stopping lay-offs.
  • Open and cost-free access to medical treatment for all residents in the country.
  • Free pharmaceutical treatment and medical examinations for low-income pensioners, the unemployed, students, and those suffering from chronic diseases.

9. Protection of public education, research, culture, and sports from the Memorandum`s policies

With regards to education, we are calling for:

  • Consolidation of universal, public, and free education, including coverage of its urgent needs in infrastructure and personnel at all three levels.
  • Compulsory 14-year unified education.
  • Revocation of the Diamantopoulou Law.
  • Assurance of self-government for Universities.
  • Preservation of the academic and public character of Universities.

10. An independent foreign policy committed to the promotion of peace

The capitulation of our foreign policy to the desires of the U.S. and the powerful states of the European Union endangers the country`s independence, peace, and security.

We propose:

  • A multidimensional and peace-seeking foreign policy.
  • Disengagement from NATO and closure of foreign military bases on Greek soil.
  • Termination of military cooperation with Israel.
  • Aiding the Cypriot people in the reunification of the island.
  • Furthermore, on the basis of international law and the principle of peaceful conflict resolution, we will pursue improvements in Greek-Turkish relations, a solution to the problem of FYROM`s official name, and the specification of Greece`s Exclusive Economic Zone.

The incumbent economic and social system has failed and we must overthrow it!

The economic crisis that is rocking global capitalism has shattered the illusions. More and more, people understand that capitalist speculation is an inhuman organizational principle for modern society. It is also widely acknowledged that private banks function only for the benefit of the bankers, while harming the rest of the people. Big business and bankers absorb billions of euros from health care, education, and pensions.

An exit from the crisis requires bold measures that will prevent those who created the crisis from continuing their destructive work. We are endorsing a new model for the production and distribution of wealth, one that will include society in its totality. In this respect, the large capitalist property is to be made public and managed democratically along social and ecological criteria. Our strategic aim is socialism with democracy, a system in which all will be entitled to participate in the decision-making process.

We are changing the future; we are pushing them into the past!

We can prevail by forging unity and creating a new coalition for power with the Left as a cornerstone. Our strength in this endeavour is the alliance of the People: the inspiration, the creative effort, and the struggle of the working people. With these, we will shape the lives and the future of a self-governed people.

Now the vote is in the hands of the People! Now the People have the power!

In this new election, the Greek people can and must vote against the regime of the Memoranda and the Troika, thus turning over a new page of hope and optimism for the future.

For Greece and for Europe, the solution is with the Left!

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412