Bahraini 'Coalition for a Republic' Issues First Statement

[Bahraini demonstrator. Image from Reuters.com] [Bahraini demonstrator. Image from Reuters.com]

Bahraini "Coalition for a Republic" Issues First Statement

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following statement was released on March 7, 2011, by the "Coalition for a Republic" in Bahrain shortly after their creation was announced. Both English and Arabic versions of the statement have been circulated together.]

A statement on behalf of the Coalition for a Republic

In the name of our glorious religion and international conventions on human rights and on the principle of the right of nations to decide their destiny, and based on our long struggle and sacrifices against the oppressive and corrupt Al-Khalifa regime, we hereby declare a tripartite coalition between the Wafa’a, Haqq and Bahrain Freedom Movements that has chosen to fight for a complete downfall of the regime, and the establishment of a democratic republic in Bahrain. We have named this – the Coalition for a Bahraini Republic. We will work with the free people of this country, and the 14th February Youth and all others who believe in this legitimate and rightful choice through all means of  civil and peaceful resistence.

The Coalition for a Bahraini Republic believes, through  recent experience, in the decentralization of decision making in planning its activities and using different means of resistence. The Coalition believes this decentralization is necessary for the success of the revolution in achieving its demands.  This strategy is what started this revolution and how the youth regained control of the roundabout.  The Coalition  believes that any central control will kill the revolution. The Coalition believes that the resistence should escalate peacefully using diversified means across the entire lengths of Bahrain.

The Coalition warns  against getting caught up in constructed chaos and deliberate confusion of information in this period that is intended to distort the vision of the people and to derail the natural escalation of resistence in order to buy time for the regime.

The regime has failed to end the revolution through violence and brutal crackdown. It is trying now to destroy it by twisting its demands by playing its devious political games, shuffling cards around and embedding discord. To gain through its political game what it has failed to gain through violence. It is paramount for people in this country to stand by the people and the 14 February Youth to protect the revolution, and not to let our martyrs’ blood and sacrifices go in vain, and not to give the opportunity to the regime to sabotage the revolution’s demands.

The Coalition believes that the main demand of the popular revolution is the downfall of the current oppressive regime and the establishment of a democratic republic that expresses the desires of the people and protects its dignity, interests and rights. For the revolution to achieve this demand, all people including the 14 feb youth need to awaken, become aware, organize themselves decentrally when making their decision and planning their activities. They must be independent in making crucial decision and not to be shy when telling the truth to anyone for this comes at the expense of the rights and interests of citizens.

The coalition believes the final decision about the future of this country is in the hands of the people who are ready to stand by their decisions. We call on all the people and political powers to gather around the demand for the downfall of the oppressive monarchy and to establish a democratic republic, whilst ensuring coordination and agreement amongst themselves. The government is gambling on discord amongst the people. The differences of opinion does not necessarily mean division and does not stop collaboration on common issues. This is a great opportunity that should not be lost as we may not get another one like it. The demand for the downfall of the regime if not achieved is a huge loss. The coalition will coordinate and collaborate sincerely with all parties and individuals who share the same objectives and strategies.

The Coalition for a Republic

Date: 7 March 2011

 


الإعلان عن الموقف : التحالف من أجل الجمهورية

بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم
والصلاة و السلام على سيدنا محمد وأهل بيته الطيبين الطاهرين وأصحابه المنتجبين

انطلاقاً من مبادئ ديننا الحنيف ، واستناداً للمواثيق الدولية لحقوق الإنسان وحق الشعوب في تقرير مصيرها ، واستحضاراً لنضالات وتضحيات شعب البحرين وتجاربه المريرة مع نظام أسرة آل خليفة المستبد و الملئ بالظلم و الفساد ، فإن التحالف الثلاثي ( تيار الوفاء الإسلامي و حركة حق وحركة احرار البحرين ) يتبنى خيار إسقاط النظام القائم في البحرين وإقامة نظام جمهوري ديمقراطي ، ويعلن عن تسميته الجديدة " التحالف من أجل الجمهورية " وسيعمل التحالف مع جماهير أبناء الشعب الأحرار ومجموعات ثورة ( 14 / فبراير ) وكل القوى الأخرى المؤمنة بهذا الخيار الثوري الشعبي المشروع لانجازه بإرادة شعبية جادة فولاذية لا تنكسر – بإذن الله تعالى وتأيده – وبالأساليب السلمية الثورية ضمن منهج المقاومة المدنية و العصيان المدني .

وإن " التحالف من أجل الجمهورية " ليؤيد ويدعم اللامركزية المنظمة في وضع البرامج واتخاذ القرارات بشأن الفعاليات و الخطوات الاحتجاجية الثورية ، ويرى التحالف بأن اللامركزية في هذه المرحلة شرط لنجاح الثورة وتحقيق المطالب الشعبية ، وقد ثبت بالتجربة صحة هذه الاستراتيجية ونجاحها ، فبها قامت الثورة ، وبها كانت العودة إلى ميدان الشهداء ( دوار اللؤلؤ ) . ويحذر التحالف من ان الاتجاه نحو المركزية يُعتبر مقتلاً للثورة . ويدعو التحالف لاتخاذ خطوات تصعيدية سلمية ثورية إبداعية ومتنوعة وعلى أكبر مساحة ممكنة من أرض الوطن العزيز ، قول الله سبحانه و تعالى : " ولا تهنوا ولا تحزنوا وأنتم الأعلون " . ويحذر التحالف من الاشتغال بالإثارات و الشبهات التي تسعى لتشويش الرؤية وإعاقة التصعيد الثوري وكسب الوقت لإتاحة الفرصة للنظام الملكي المتهاوي .

لقد فشل النظام الملكي في إسقاط الثورة بالقوة ، وهو يسعى الآن لإسقاطها و الالتفاف على مطالبها المشروعة من خلال الألاعيب السياسية الماكرة وخلط الأوراق وإثارة الفتن ، ليحصل بالسياسية على ما فشل في الحصول عليه بالقوة ، فينبغي على الشرفاء من أبناء الوطن أن يقفوا إلى صف الجماهير ومجموعات ثورة ( 14 / فبراير ) لحفظ الثورة ، وعدم تضييع ثمار دماء الشهداء الأبرار و التضحيات العظيمة التي بذلتها الجماهير وشباب الثورة الأحرار ، لتفويت الفرصة على النظام الملكي في الالتفاف على مطالب الثورة المشروعة .

ويعتبر " التحالف من الجمهورية " أن المطالب الأساس و الأول للثورة الشعبية المباركة العظيمة هو إسقاط النظام الملكي الفاسد وإقامة نظام جمهوري ديمقراطي يُعبر بصدق وأمانة من إرادة كافة أبناء الشعب ويصون حقوقهم وكرامتهم ويحفظ مصالحهم . ولكي تحقق الثورة هذا المطلب الثوري المشروع الذي يُعبر عن الإرادة الشعبية ، يجب ان تتحلى الجماهير وشباب الثورة بالوعي و اليقطة و الصبر و الجلد و اللامركزية في وضع البرامج واتخاذ القرارات بالخطوات الاحتجاجية و التمسك بحق السيادة على القرارات النهائية و الحسم وعدم مجاملة أي أحد على حساب الحق ومصالح المواطنين الحيوية .

إذ يؤكد : التحالف من اجل الجمهورية " ان القرار النهائي في تحديد شكل النظام بيد أبناء الشعب ، وأنه مستعد للنزول على قرارهم ، يدعو جميع أبناء الشعب والقوى السياسية إلى أن يلتفوا جميعاً حول إسقاط النظام الملكي الفاسد وإقامة النظام الجمهوري الديمقراطي ، وأن لا يتركوا التنسيق و التوافق بينهم ، وأن يسقطوا رهان النظام على الإختلاف بينهم ، فالإختلاف في الرأي لا يدعو إلى الإفتراق ولا يمنع من التنسيق و التعاون على المشتركات ، فإن هذه لحظة تاريخية مؤاتية بإمتياز ، فإذا ضُيعت ، فربما لا تتاح لنا لحظة مثلها إلى عقود من الزمن ، وإن نتائج التخلي عن خيار إسقاط النظام الملكي وخيمة جداً ، وإن التحالف من أجل الجمهورية سوف يتعاون بشكل وثيق وجاد مع جميع الجهات و الشخصيات التي تشترك معه في ذات الأهداف ومنهج العمل .

صادر عن : التحالف من أجل الجمهورية
بتاريخ : 10 / ربيع الاول / 1432 هج

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412